IERKELEY 

LIBRARY 

UNf 
CA 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


GIFT  OF 

Professor 
George  A.  Starr 


FOREIGN  CONSPIRACY 


AGAINST    THE 

LIBERTIES   OF    THE   UNITED   STATES: 

THE      NUMBERS      OF 

BRUTUS, 

ORIGINALLY  PUBLISHED  IN  THE  NEW-YORK  OBSERVER. 

REVISED  AND  CORRECTED  WITH  NOTES,  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 


Oft  fire  is  without  smoke, 

And  peril  without  show. 

Sp  e  n  c 


NEW- YORK: 

LEAVITT,   LORD   &   CO.,    182  BROADWAY, 

G.  &  C.  CARVILL  &  CO.,  108  BROADWAY, 

BOSTON— CROCKER  &  BREWSTER, 

47  Washington-street. 

1835. 


I 

Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year 
»  1835,  by  LEAVITT,  LORD  &  Co.,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 

District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of  New-York. 


W«st   &   Trow,    Printer: 


£; 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


NEW-YOEK,  Jan.  1,  1835. 
To  Messrs.  Leavitt,  Lord  &  Co., 

Gentlemen, — Learning  that  you  are  about  to  publish  in  a 
small  volume,  the  articles,  signed  Brutus,  (which  recently 
appeared  in  the  New- York  Observer,  shewing  that  a  conspi 
racy  is  formed  against  the  United  States  by  the  Papal  powers 
of  Europe,)  the  undersigned,  who  read  those  articles  with  in 
terest,  have  great  satisfaction  in  expressing  their  approbation 
of  your  undertaking.  These  articles  are  written  by  a  gentle 
man  of  intelligence  and  candor,  who  has  resided  in  the  south 
of  Europe,  and  enjoyed  the  best  opportunities  for  acquaintance 
with  the  topics  on  which  he  writes. 

While  we  disapprove  of  harsh,  denunciatory  language  to 
wards  Roman  Catholics,  their  past  history,  and  the  fact  that 
they  every  where  act  together,  as  if  guided  by  one  mind,  ad 
monish  us  to  be  jealous  of  their  influence,  and  to  watch  with 
unremitted  care  all  their  movements  in  relation  to  our  free  in 
stitutions.  As  this  work  is  now  to  be  published  in  a  portable 
form,  and  with  additional  notes  by  the  author,  we  hope  it  may 
obtain  an  extensive  circulation  and  a  careful  perusal. 
Yours,  with  friendly  regard, 

JAMES  MILNOR,~ 
THOMAS  DE  WITT, 
N.  BANGS, 
JONATHAN  GOING. 

***  The  gentlemen  who  have  signed  the  above  letter  rep 
resent  four  Protestant  denominations,  viz.  the  Episcopal, 
Presbyterian,  Methodist,  and  Baptist. 


Extract  from  Zion's  H«ralH,  a  Methodist  paper  published  in  Boston,  Mass. 

"FOREIGN CONSPIRACY. — We  commence  to-day  publishing 
this  interesting  series.  The  author  is  an  American,  who  has 
resided  for  a  long  time  in  Italy  and  Austria.  The  same  day 
that  we  had  decided  to  publish  them,  we  received  a  note, 
signed  by  Rev.  Messrs.  Lindsey,  Fillmore,  Kent,  and  Stevens, 
recommending  and  requesting  that  they  should  appear  in  the 
Herald." 


135 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I Page  13 

The  first  impressions  of  the  improbability  of  a  Foreign  con 
spiracy  considered— Present  political  condition  of  Europe 
favors  an  enterprise  against  our  institutions—The  war  of 
opinions  commenced ;  Despotism  against  liberty — The 
vicissitudes  of  this  war— Official  declarations  of  the  des 
potic,  party  against  all  liberty — Necessity  to  the  triumph 
of  Despotism  that  American  liberty  should  be  destroyed 
— The  kind  of  attack  most  likely  to  be  adopted  from  the 
nature  of  the  contest— Reasons  why  our  institutions  are 
obnoxious  to  European  governments — Has  the  attack 
commenced  ?  Yes  !  by  Austria — Through  a  Society  called 
the  St.  Leopold  Foundation— Ostensibly  religious  in  its 
design. 

CHAPTER   II 25 

Political  character  of  the  Austrian  government— The  old 
avowed  enemy  of  Protestant  liberty — Character  of  the 
people  of  Austria,  slaves — Character  of  Prince  Metternich, 
the  arch  contriver  of  plans  to  stifle  liberty — These  enemies 
of  all  liberty  suddenly  anxious  for  the  civil  and  religious 
liberty  of  the  United  States — The  absurdity  of  their  osten 
sible  design  exposed — The  avowed  objects  of  Austria  in  the 
Leopold  Foundation — Popery  the  instrument  to  act  upon 
our  institutions. 

CHAPTER  III 33 

Popery  in  its  political  not  its  religious  character  the  object 
of  the  present  examination — The  fitness  of  the  instrument 
to  accomplish  the  political  designs  of  despotism — The 
principles  of  a  Despotic  and  a  Free  government  briefly  con 
trasted — Despotic  principles  fundamental  in  Popery — In 
fallible  testimony  adduced — Papal  claims  of  divine  right 
and  plenitude  of  power — Abject  principles  of  Popery  illus 
trated  from  the  Russian  Catechism — Protestantism  from  its 
birth  in  favor  of  Liberty — Luther  on  the  4th  of  July  attacks 

1* 


6  CONTENTS. 

the  presumptuous  claim  of  divine  right — Despotism  and 
Popery  united  against  liberty  of  conscience,  liberty  of  opin 
ion,  and  liberty  of  the  press — The  anti-republican  declara 
tions  of  the  present  Pope  Gregory  XVI. 

CHAPTER  IV 45 

The  cause  of  Popery  and  Despotism  identical— A  striking 
difference  between  Pop"ry  and  Protestantism  as  they  ex 
ist  in  this  country — American  Protestantism  not  controlled 
by  foreign  Protestantism — American  Popery  entirely  un 
der  foreign  control— Jesuits,  the  foreign  agents  of  Austria, 
bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  interest  to  Austrian  policy, 
not  Ame'rican — Their  dangerous  power,  unparalleled  in 
any  Protestant  sect — Our  free  insiitutions  opposed  in  their 
nature  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Popery— Duplicity  to  be 
expected— Political  dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  Popish 
organization— American  Popery  uncontrolled  by  Ameri 
cans,  or  in  America — Managed  in  a  foreign  country  by  a 
foreign  power  for  political  purposes — Consequences  that 
may  easily  result  from  such  a  state  of  things. 

CHAPTER  V 51 

Points  in  our  political  system  which  favor  this  foreign  at 
tack — Our  toleration  of  all  religious  systems — Popery  op 
posed  to  all  toleration — Charge  of  intolerance  substantia 
ted—The  organization  of  Popery  in  America  connected 
with  and  strengthened  by  foreign  organization— Without 
a  parallel  among  Protestant  sects— Great  preponderance 
of  Popish  strength  in  consequence — The  divisions  among 
Protestant  sects  nullifies  their  attempts  at  combination — 
Taken  advantage  of  by  Jesuits— Popish  duplicity  illustra 
ted  in  its  opposite  alliances  in  Europe  with  despotism, 
and  in  America  with  democracy — The  laws  relating  to 
immigration  and  naturalization  favor  foreign  attack 
— Emigrants  being  mostly  Catholic  and  in  entire  subjec 
tion  to  their  priests — No  remedy  provided  by  our  laws  for 
this  alarming  evil. 

CHAPTER  VI 61 

The  evil  from  immigration  further  considered— Its  political 
bearings— The  influence  of  emigrants  at  the  elections — 
This  influence  concentrated  in  the  priests— The  Priests 
must  be  propitiated  ;  by  what  means — This  influence  ea 
sily  purchased  by  the  demagogue — The  unprincipled  cha 
racter  of  many  of  our  politicians  favor  this  foreign  attack 
— Their  bargain  for  the  suffrages  of  this  priest-led  band — 
A  church  and  s'ate  party- -The  Protestant  sects  obnoxious 
to  no  such  bargaining — the  newspaper  press  favors  this 
foreign  attack;  from  its  want  of  independence,  and  its  ti 
midity — An  anti-republican  fondness  for  titles,  favors  this 


foreign  attack — Cautious  attempts  of  Popery  to  dignify 
its  emissaries  and  to  accustom  us  to  their  high-sounding 
titles — A  mistaken  notion  on  the  subject  of  discussing  re 
ligious  opinion  in  the  secular  journals,  favors  this  foreign 
attack — Political  designs  not  to  be  shielded  from  attack 
because  cloaked  by  Religion. 

CHAPTER   VII 73 

The  political  character  of  this  ostensibly  religious  enter 
prise  proved  from  the  letters  of  the  Jesuits  now  in  this 
country— Their  antipathy  to  private  judgment— Their 
anticipations  of  a  change  in  our  form  of  government — • 
Our  government  declared  too  free  for  the  exercise  of  their 
divine  rights — Their  political  partialities — Their  cold  ac 
knowledgment  of  the  generosity,  and  liberality,  and  hos 
pitality  of  our  government — Their  estimate  of  our  condi 
tion  contrasted  with  their  estimate  of  that  of  Austria — 
Their  acknowledged  allegiance  and  servility  to  a  foreign 
master — Their  sympathies  with  the  oppressor,  and  not 
with  the  oppressed — Their  direct  avowal  of  political  de 
sign. 

CHAPTER  VIII 83 

Some  of  the  nieans  by  which  Jesuits  can  already  operate 
politically  in  the  country — By  mob  discipline — By  priest 
police — Its  great  danger — Already  established — Proofs 
— Priests  already  rule  the  mob — Nothing  in  the  principles 
of  Popery  to  prevent  its  interference  in  our  elections — Po 
pery  interferes  at  the  present  day  in  the  political  concerns 
of  other  countries— Popery  the  same  in  our  country— It 
interferes  in  our  elections — In  Michigan— In  Charleston, 
S.  C. — In  New-York—Popery  a  political  despotism  cloak 
ed  under  the  name  of  Religion— It  is  Church  and  State 
embodied— Its  character  at  head-quarters  in  Italy — Its 
political  character  stripped  of  its  religious  cloak. 

CHAPTER  IX 95 

Evidence  enough  of  conspiracy  adduced  to  create  great 
alarm — The  cause  of  liberty  universally  demands  that  we 
should  awake  to  a  sense  of  danger— An  attack  is  made 
which  is  to  try  the  moral  strength  of  the  Republic — The 
mode  of  defence  that  might  be  consistently  recommended 
by  Austrian  Popery — A  mode  now  in  actual  operation  in 
Europe — Contrary  to  the  entire  spirit  of  American  Protes 
tantism — True  mode  of  defence— Popery  must  be  opposed 
by  antagonist  institutions— Ignorance  must  be  dispelled— 
Popular  ignorance  of  all  Papal  countries— Popery  the  na 
tural  enemy  of  general  education— Popish  efforts  to  spread 
education  in  the  United  States  delusive. 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X 105 

All  classes  of  citizens  interested  in  resisting  the  efforts  of 
Popery — The  unnatural  alliance  of  Popery  and  Democra 
cy  exposed — Religious  liberty  in  danger — Specially  in  the 
keeping  of  the  Christian  community — They  must  rally  for 
its  defence— The  secular  press  has  no  sympathy  with  Prot 
estants;  in  this  struggle  it  is  opposed  to  them — The  Poli 
tical  character  of  Popery  ever  to  be  kept  in  mind  and  ope 
posed — It  is  for  the  Papist  not  the  Protestant  to  separat- 
his  religious  from  his  political  creed — Papists  ought  to  be 
required  publicly  and  formally  and  officially  to  renounce 
foreign  allegiance  and  anti-republican  customs. 

CHAPTER  XI 115 

The  question  what  is  the  duty  of  the  Protestant  communi 
ty  ?  considered — Shall  there  be  an  Anti-Popery  Union  ? 
The  strong  manifesto  that  might  be  put  forth  by  such  a 
union — Such  a  political  union  discarded  as  impolitic  and 
degrading  to  the  Protestant  community — Golden  opportu 
nity  for  showing  the  moral  energy  of  the  republic— The 
lawful  and  efficient  weapons  of  this  contest— To  be  used 
•without  delay. 

CHAPTER   XII 127 

The  Political  duty  of  American  citizens  at  this  crisis. 


ERRATUM.— Page  13,  last  line,  for  vhich  read  while. 


PREFATORY    REMARKS. 


THE  following  Numbers  written  for  the  New- York 
Observer  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1834,  and  during 
several  weeks  of  confinement  by  indisposition,  have 
been,  perhaps,  more  extensively  copied  into  the  religious 
journals  of  the  different  Christian  denominations  than 
any  communications,  (with  perhaps  a  single  exception,) 
of  the  same  extent  since  the  establishment  of  religious 
newspapers  ;  and  although  the  subject  matter  is  almost 
altogether  political,  giving  proofs  of  a  serious  foreign  con 
spiracy  against  the  government,  yet  the  writer  is  not 
aware  that  a  single  secular  journal  in  the  United  States 
has  taken  the  pains  to  investigate  the  matter,  or  even 
to  ask  if  indeed  there  may  not  be  good  grounds  for  be 
lieving  it  true.  The  silence  of  the  secular  press  on  a 
subject  which  has  roused  the  attention  of  so  large  a  body 
of  the  Protestant  community  may  indeed  be  accounted 
for  in  part,  perhaps  altogether,  from  the  all  engrossing 
election  contests  which  have  agitated  the  country  from 
one  extremity  of  the  land  to  the  other ;  for  the  writer 
would  certainly  be  very  reluctant  to  adopt  the  belief, 
which  has  repeatedly  been  urged  upon  him  by  many, 
that  the  secular  journals  dare  not  attack  Popery ;  he  will 
not  believe  that  dare  not  ever  stood  in  the  way  of  the 


10  PREFATOHY  BEMABK3. 

duty  of  any  patriotic  independent  conductor  of  the- 
American  press.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  many  citizens  without  distinc 
tion  of  religious  denomination  or  of  political  party,  the 
writer  has  consented  to  collect  the  numbers  into  a  pam 
phlet,  adding  notes  illustrative  of  many  matters  which 
could  not  so  well  have  been  introduced  into  the  columns 
of  a  newspaper. 

That  a  vigorous  and  unexampled  effort  is  making  by 
the  despotic  governments  of  Europe  to  cause  Popery  ta 
overspread  this  country,  is  a  fact  too  palpable  to  be  con 
tradicted.  Did  not  official  documents  lately  published, 
put  this  fact  beyond  dispute,  yet  the  writer  had  personal 
evidence  sufficient  to  convince  him  of  the  fact  and  of 
the  political  object  of  the  enterprise,  while  residing  in 
Italy  in  the  years  1830 — 31,  from  conversations  with 
nobles  and  gentlemen  of  different  countries,,  with  the 
officers  of  various  foreign  governments,  visiting  and 
resident  in  the  Roman  and  Austrian  states,  and  with 
priests  and  other  ecclesiastics  of  the  Roman  faith. 
Sometimes  it  was  hinted  to  him  as  a  check  to  too  san 
guine  anticipations  of  the  triumph  of  the  experiment  of 
our  democratic  republican  government ;  sometimes  it 
was  told  him  by  the  former  class  in  a  tone  of  exultation 
that  a  cause  was  in  operation  which  would  surely  over 
throw  our  institutions  and  gradually  bring  us  under  a 
form  of  government  less  obnoxious  to  the  pride,  and  less 
dangerous  to  the  existence,  of  the  antiquated  despotic 
systems  of  Europe.  In  addition  to  these  hints  to  the 
writer,  concerning  the  efforts  making  by  the  governments 
of  Europe  to  carry  Popery  through  all  our  borders,  other 

*  A  friend  to  whom  this  part  was  read  smiled,  and  said 
"  you  are  sufficiently  guarded  in  your  language,  but  how  many 
patriotic,  independent  conductors  of  the  American  press  are 
there  1  Can  you  name  one  T' 


PREFATORY   REMARKS.  11 

American  travellers  will  testify  to  similar  hints  made  to 
them.  By  one  I  am  permitted  to  say,  that  the  celebrated 
naturalist,  the  late  Baron  Cuvier,  known  also  as  a  zeal 
ous  Protestant,  inquired  of  him  with  marks  of  concern, 
if  it  were  indeed  true  that  Popery  had  made  such  progress 
in  the  United  States,  as  to  cause  the  exultation  (which 
it  seems  was  no  secret)  among-  the  legitimates  of  Europe. 
And  again,  that  a  distinguished  member  of  one  of  the 
Protestant  German  embassies,  in  Rome  also  made  similar 
inquiries  of  him,  having  heard  much  boasting  of  the  pro 
gress  of  Popery  in  the  United  States,  adding  this  perti 
nent  remark,  "  they  will  be  hammer  or  nails,  Sir,  they  will 
persecute,  or  be  persecuted."  These  facts  may  be  of  so 
much  importance  in  aid  of  the  other  proofs  of  a  conspira 
cy  which  these  numbers  unfold,  as  to  show  that  among 
the  various  higher  classes  of  Europe  the  enterprise  of  a 
Popish  crusade  in  this  country  is  not  only  a  subject  of 
notoriety,  but  is  viewed  with  great  interest,  and  is  con 
sidered  as  having  a  most  important  political  bearing. 

In  the  following  numbers  the  writer  has  chosen  to 
rest  the  evidence  of  conspiracy  mainly  on  official  docu 
ments  published  in  Vienna,  because  they  have  been 
translated  and  published,*  and  are  within  the  reach  of 
any  citizen  of  the  country  who  chooses  more  closely  to 
examine  them.  He  has  also  availed  himself  of  facts  in 
the  operations  of  Popish  agents  in  this  country,  so  far  as 
their  workings  have  been  occasionally  revealed. 

The  writer  will  add  in  conclusion,  that  he  writes  not 
in  the  interest  of  a  sect  or  a  party,  for  the  question  of 
Popery  is  not  identified  with  either  political  party.  He 
has  lived  too  long  in  foreign  countries  to  be  able  to  iden 
tify  himself  with  the  local  interests  of  mere  party  at 

*  In  the  New- York  Observer,  of  the  months  of  January, 
February,  1834. 


PREFATORY   EEMARKS. 


home,  whether  in  religion  or  politics.  The  great  demo 
cratic  features  of  his  country's  institutions,  as  contradis 
tinguished  from  the  despotic,  monarchical  and  aristocratic 
systems  of  Europe,  were  admired  by  him  as  they  appeared 
more  boldly  relieved,  viewed  from  abroad  in  such  striking 
contrast  to  all  around  him  ;  and  he  is  thoroughly  persua 
ded  that  these  democratic  institutions,  if  suffered  to  have 
their  unobstructed  course,  unobstructed  except  by  the 
natural  checks  of  education  and  religion  actively  and 
universally  diffused  and  sustained,  are  more  favorable  to 
civil  liberty  and  to  the  final  triumph  of  truth,  and  conse 
quently  to  human  happiness,  than  any  other  civil  insti 
tutions  in  the  world.  The  writer  entertaining  these 
views  has  deemed  it  an  imperative  duty,  at  any  sacrifice, 
to  warn  his  countrymen,  of  a  subtle  enemy  to  the  demo 
cracy  of  the  country,  and  to  conjure  them  as  they  value 
their  civil  and  religious  institutions,  to  watch  the  Protean 
shapes  of  Popery,  to  suspect  and  fear  it  most  when  it 
allies  itself  to  our  interests  in  the  guise  of  a  friend.  Mis- 
trust  of  all  that  Popery  does,  or  affects  to  do,  whether  as  a. 
friend  or  foe  in  any  part  of  the  country,  is  the  only  feeling 
that  true  charity,  universal  charity,  allows  us  to  indulge. 
NEW-  YORK,  January,  1835. 


FOREIGN  CONSPIRACY 

AGAINST   THE 

LIBERTIES    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


CHAPTER   I. 

The  first  impression  of  the  improbability  of  foreign  conspiracy 
considered — Present  political  condition  of  Europe  favors  an 
enterprise  against  our  institutions — The  war  of  opinions 
commenced — Despotism  against  Liberty— The  vicissitudes  of 
this  war— The  official  declaration  of  the  despotic  party 
against  all  liberty— Necessity  to  the  triumph  of  despotism 
that  American  liberty  should  be  destroyed— The  kind  of 
attack  upon  us  most  likely  to  be  adopted  from  the  nature  of 
the  contest — Particular  reasons  why  our  institutions  are 
obnoxious  to  the  European  governments — Has  the  attack 
commenced?  Yes!  by  Austria — Through  a  Society  called 
ths  St.  Leopold  Foundation— Ostensibly  religious,  in  its 
designs. 

DOES  this  heading  seem  singular  ?  What,  it 
will  be  said,  is  it  at  all  probable  that  any  nation 
or  combination  of  nations,  can  entertain  designs 
against  us,  a  people  so  peaceable,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  distant?  Knowing  the  daily  increasing  re- 
sources  of  this  country  in  all  the  means  of  defence 
against  foreign  aggression,  how  absurd  in  the  nations 
abroad  to  dream  of  a  conquest  on  this  soil  ?  Let 

me,  nevertheless,  ask  attention,  wMcii  I  humbly  offer 
2    jUilitle 

\3 


14  WAR    OF   DESPOTISM    AND   LIBERTY. 

my  reasons  for  believing  that  a  conspiracy  exists,. 
that  its  plans  are  already  in  operation,  and  that  we 
are  attacked  in  a  vulnerable  quarter  which  cannot  be 
defended  by  our  ships,  our  forts,  or  our  armies. 

Who  among  us  is  not  aware  that  a  mighty  strug 
gle  of  opinion  is  in  our  days  agitating  all  the  nations 
of  Europe ;  that  there  is  a  war  going  on  between 
despotism  on  one  side,  and  liberty  on  the  other.* 
And  with  what  deep  anxiety  should  Americans 
watch  the  vicissitudes  of  the  conflict.  Having  long 
since  achieved  our  own  victory  in  the  great  strife  be 
tween  arbitrary  power  and  freedom,  having  demon 
strated  by  successful  experiment  before  the  world, 
the  safety,  the  happiness,  the  superior  excellence  of 
a  republican  government,  a  government  proceeding 
from  the  people  as  the  true  source  of  power ;  en 
joying  in  overflowing  abundance  the  rich  blessings 
of  such  a  government,  must  we  not  regard  with 
more  than  common  interest  the  efforts  of  mighty 
nations  to  break  away  from  the  prejudices,  and 
habits,  and  sophistical  opinions  of  ages  of  darkness, 
and  struggling  to  attain  the  same  glorious  privile 
ges  of  rational  freedom  ?  But  there  are  other  mo 
tives  than  that  of  curiosity,  or  of  mere  sympathy 
with  foreign  trouble,  that  should  arouse  our  solici 
tude,  in  the  fearful  crisis  which  has  at  length  arriv- 

*  See  Note  A,  Appendix. 


AMERICA    INTEBESTED    IN   THE   WAH.  15 

ed,  a  crisis  which  the  prophetic  tongue  of  a  great 
British  statesman*  long  since  foretold,  the  war  of 
opinion,  threatening  the  world  with  a  more  frightful 
sacrifice  of  human  life,  than  history  in  any  of  its 
blood-stained  pages  records.  Happily  separated  by 
an  ocean-barrier  from  the  great  arena  where  the 
physical  action  of  this  bloody  drama  is  to  be  per 
formed,  we  are  secure  from  the  immediate  physical 
effects  of  the  strife;  but  we  cannot  remain  unaffect 
ed  by  the  result. 

Of  European  wars  arising  from  the  craving  of 
personal  ambition,  from  thirst  for  national  glory, 
from  desire  of  territorial  increase,  or  from  other  lo 
cal  causes,  we  might  safely  be  ignorant  both  of 
cause  and  result.  No  armed  bands  of  a  conqueror 
flushed  with  victory,  could  give  us  a  moment's 
alarm.  But  in  a  war  of  opinions,  in  a  war  of  prin 
ciples,  in  which  the  very  foundations  of  government 
are  subverted,  and  the  whole  social  fabric  upturned, 
we  cannot,  if  we  would,  be  uninterested  in  the  result. 
Principles  are  not  bounded  by  geographical  limits. 
Oceans  present  to  them  no  barriers.  All  of  prin 
ciple  that  belongs  to  despotism  throughout  the 
world,  whether  in  the  iron  systems  of  Russia  and 
Austria ;  or  the  scarcely  less  civilized  system  of 
China,  and  all  of  principle  that  belongs  to  pure 
*  Mr.  Canning. 


16  VICISSITUDES    OF   THE  WAR. 

American  freedom  in  the  United  States,  or  in  the 
mixed  systems  of  Britain,  France,  and  some  other 
European  states,  are  in  this  great  contest  arrayed 
in  opposition.  The  triumph  of  the  one  or  the  other 
principle,  whether  in  the  field  of  battle,  or'in  the  se 
cret  councils  of  the  cabinet,  or  the  congress  of  minis 
ters,  or  the  open  debate,  produces  effects  wherever  so 
ciety  exists.  The  recent  convulsions  in  Europe  should 
not  pass  unheeded  by  Americans.  The  three  days' 
revolution  of  France,  the  reform  in  Britain  on  the 
side  of  liberty  ;  the  suppressed  revolutions  of  Italy 
and  Poland  on  the  side  of  despotism  ;  the  yet  doubt 
ful  victory  of  the  two  principles  now  in  contest  in 
Portugal  and  Spain  ;*  the  crooked  diplomacy,  the 
contradictory  measures,  the  faithless  promises  of  the 
despotic  cabinets,  all  show  that  the  war  of  principles 
has  indeed  commenced,  and  that  Europe  is  agitated 
to  its  very  centre  with  the  anxieties  of  the  contest. 

No  open  annual  message  reveals  frankly  to  all 
the  world  the  true  internal  condition  of  the  oppress 
ed  nations  of  Europe.  From  the  well  guarded 
walls  of  the  secret  council  chamber  of  the  imperial 
power,  documents  seldom  escape  to  show  us  the 
strength  of  the  opposing  principle.  Despotism 
glosses  over  all  its  oppressions.  The  people  are 

*  These  numbers  were  written  in  January  and  February, 
1834. 


DECLARATIONS    OF   THE    HOLY   ALLIANCE.  17 

always  happy  under  the  paternal  sway.  They 
that  plead  for  liberty  are  always  enemies  of  public 
order,  "  Order  reigns  in  Warsaw,"  was  the  pro 
clamation  that  told  the  world  that  despotism  had 
triumphed  over  Poland,  and  none  now  may  know 
the  number  of  her  sons  of  freedom  still  at  large, 
still  unexiled  to  the  mines  of  Siberia ;  yet  it  is  great ; 
for  Russia,  and  Prussia,  and  Austria,  have  leagued 
anew  against  unconquerable  Poland  ;  and  the  agony 
of  determination,  the  desperate  resolution  which  the 
Russian  Autocrat  has  just  uttered,  tells  the  secret 
of  the  yet  unvanquished  spirit  of  Polish  patriots,  and 
at  the  same  time  discloses  the  plot  of  mighty  efforts, 
of  united  efforts,  of  persevering  efforts  utterly  to 
extinguish  liberty. 

«*  As  long  as  I  live,"  says  the  Emperor,  "  I  will 
oppose  a  will  of  iron  to  the  progress  of  liberal  opin 
ions.  The  present  generation  is  lost,  but  we  must 
labor  with  zeal  and  earnestness  to  improve  the  spirit 
of  that  to  come.  It  may  require  an  hundred  years ; 
I  am  not  unreasonable,  I  give  you  a  whole  age,  but 
you  must  work  without  relaxation." 

This  is  language  without  ambiguity,  bold,  un- 
disguised  ;  it  is  the  clear  official  disclosure  of  the 
determination  of  the  Holy  Alliance  against  liberty. 
It  proclaims  unextinguishable  hatred,  a  will  of  iron. 
There  is  no  compromise  with  liberty,  a  hundred 
2* 


18  WE  MUST  EXPECT  THEIR  ATTACK. 

years  of  efforts  unrelaxed,  if  necessary,  shall  be  put 
forth  to  crush  it  for  ever.  Its  very  name  must  be 
blotted  from  the  earth.  What !  and  is  there  a  Holy 
Alliance,  a  "  union  of  Christian  princes"  leagued  to 
extinguish  the  kindling  sparks  of  liberty  in  Europe  ? 
and  will  they  make  no  effort  to  quench  the  great 
altar-fires,  that  blaze  in  their  strength  in  the  tem 
ples  of  this  land  of  liberty  ?  An  oversight  like  this 
would  seem  to  be  too  palpable  for  the  wisdom  of  the 
despotic  cabinets  to  commit.  This  conquest  must 
be  achieved,  or  liberty  will  never  die  in  Europe. 

With  declarations  before  us,  thus  officially  put 
forth  by  despotism,  of  such  exterminating  hostility 
to  liberty,  is  it  not  possible  that  an  attack  on  us  may 
be  made  from  a  quarter,  and  in  a  shape  little  expect 
ed  1  Should  we  not  at  least  look  about  us  ?  Na 
tions  may  be  attacked  and  conquered  too,  with 
other  weapons  than  the  sword.  The  diplomatic  pen, 
as  England  can  testify,  has  often  wrested  from  her 
that  territory  which  her  sword  had  won.  We  need 
not  look,  therefore,  to  the  ports  of  Europe  to  see  if 
fleets  are  gathering.  We  are  safe  enough  from 
ships.  Nor  need  we  fear  diplomacy,  for  we  have 
"entangling  alliances  with  none."  Where,  then, 
shall  we  look  ?  What  shape  would  attack  be  likely 
to  assume?  Let  the  nature  of  the  contest  aid  us  in 
t.ie  inquiry.  It  is  the  war  of  opinion  ;  the  war  of 


REASONS    OF   THEIR   HOSTILITY.  19 

antagonist  principles  :  the  war  of  despotism  against 
liberty.  But  how  can  this  contest  be  carried  on  in 
this  country  ?  We  have  not  the  warring  opinions  to 
set  in  array  against  each  other.  One  principle  is 
certainly  absent.  We  have  no  party  in  favor  of 
despotism.  This  party  is  to  be  created.  If  then 
a  scheme  can  be  devised  for  sowing  the  seeds,  and 
rearing  the  plants  of  despotism,  that  is  the  scheme 
which  would  find  favor  with  the  Holy  Alliance,  to 
subserve  its  designs  against  American  liberty. 

Is  it  asked,  Why  should  the  Holy  Alliance  feel 
interested  in  the  destruction  of  transatlantic  liberty? 
I  answer,  the  silent  but  powerful  and  increasing  in 
fluence  of  our  institutions  on  Europe,  is  reason 
enough.  The  example  alone  of  prosperity  which 
we  exhibit  in  such  strong  contrast  to  the  enslaved, 
priest-ridden,  tax-burdened  despotisms  of  the  old 
world,  is  sufficient  to  keep  those  countries  in  per 
petual  agitation.  How  can  it  be  otherwise  ?  Will 
a  sick  man,  long  despairing  of  cure,  learn  that  there 
is  a  remedy  for  him,  and  not  desire  to  procure  it  ? 
Will  one  born  to  think  a  dungeon  his  natural  home, 
learn  through  his  grated  bars,  that  man  may  be 
free  ;  and  not  struggle  to  obtain  his  liberty  ?  And 
what  do  the  people  of  Europe  behold  in  this  country  ? 
They  witness  the  successful  experiment  of  a  free 
government ;  a  government  of  the  people  ;  without 


20  INFLUENCE   OP  OUR  FREE  INSTITUTIONS. 

rulers  de  jure  divino,  (by  divine  right :)  having  no 
hereditary  privileged  classes  ;  a  government  exhi 
biting  good  order  and  obedience  to  law,  without  an 
armed  police  and  secret  tribunals  ;  a  government 
out  of  debt ;  a  people  industrious,  enterprising, 
thriving  in  all  their  interests  ;  without  monopolies  ; 
a  people  religious  without  an  establishment ;  moral 
and  honest  without  the  terrors  of  the  confessional 
or  the  inquisition  ;  a  people  not  harmed  by  the  un 
controlled  liberty  of  the  press,  and  freedom  of  opin 
ion  ;  a  people  that  read  what  they  please,  and 
think,  and  judge,  and  act  for  themselves ;  a  people 
enjoying  the  most  unbounded  security  of  person  and 
property  ;  among  whom  domestic  conspiracies  are 
unknown  ;  where  the  poor  and  rich  have  equal  jus 
tice;  a  people  social  and  hospitable;  exerting  all 
their  energies  in  schemes  of  public  and  private  ben- 
efit  without  other  control  than  mutual  forbearance. 
A  government  so  contrasted  in  all  points  with  abso 
lute  governments,  must,  and  does  engage  the  intense 
solicitude,  both  of  the  rulers  and  people  of  the  old 
world.  Every  revolution  that  has  occurred  in 
Europe  for  the  last  half  century,  has  been  in  a  great 
er  or  less  degree  the  consequence  of  our  own  glo 
rious  revolution.  The  great  political  truths  there 
promulgated  to  the  world,  are  the  seed  of  the  dis 
orders  and  conspiracies,  and  revolutions  of  Europe, 


WE   ABE  ACTUALLY  ATTACKED  BY  AUSTRIA.  21 

from  the  first  French  revolution,  down  to  the  pres 
ent  time.  They  are  the  throes  of  the  internal  life, 
breaking  the  bands  of  darkness  with  which  super 
stition  and  despotism  have  hitherto  bound  the  nations 
struggling  into  the  light  of  a  new  age.  Can  despo 
tism  know  all  this,  and  not  feel  it  necessary  to  do 
something  to  counteract  the  evil  ? 

Let  us  look  around  us.  Is  despotism  doing  any 
thing  in  this  country  ?  It  becomes  us  to  be  jealous. 
We  have  causs  to  expect  an  attack,  and  that  it  will 
be  of  a  kind  suited  to  the  character  of  the  contest, 
the  war  of  opinion.  Yes  !  despotism  is  doing  some 
thing.  Austria  is  now  acting  in  this  country. 
She  has  devised  a  grand  scheme.  She  has  orga 
nized  a  great  plan  for  doing  something  here,  which 
she,  at  least,  deems  important.  She  has  her  Jesuit 
missionaries  travelling  through  the  land  ;  she  has 
supplied  them  with  money,  and  has  furnished  a 
fountain  ibr  a  regular  supply.  She  had  expended  a 
year  ago  more  than  seventy-four  thousand  dollarsm 
furtherance  of  her  design  !*  These  are  not  surmises. 
They  are  facts.  Some  official  documents  giving  the 
constitution  and  doings  of  this  Foreign  Society, 
have  lately  made  their  appearance  in  the  New- 
York  Observer,  and  have  been  copied  extensively 

*  From  the  best  authority,  I  have  just  learned,  Dec.  1834, 
that  $  100,000  have  been  received  from  Austria,  within  two 
years ! 


22  WE  AM!   ATTACKED    BY   AUSTBIA 

into  other  journals  of  the  country.  This  society 
having  ostensibly  a  religious  object,  has  been  for 
nearly  four  years  at  work  in  the  United  States,  with 
out  attracting,  out  of  the  religious  world,  much  at 
tention  to  its  operations.  The  great  patron  of  this 
apparently  religious  scheme  is  no  less  a  personage 
than  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  The  Society  is  call 
ed  the  St.  Leopold  Foundation.  It  is  organized  in 
Austria.  The  field  of  its  operations  is  these  Uni 
ted  States.  It  meets  and  forms  its  plans  in  Vien 
na.  Prince  Metternich  has  it  under  his  watchful 
care.  The  Pope  has  given  it  his  apostolic  benedic 
tion,  and  "  His  Royal  Highness,  Ferdinand  V.,  King 
of  Hungary,  and  Crown  Prince  of  the  other  heredi 
tary  states,  has  been  most  graciously  pleased, 
prompted  by  a  piety  worthy  the  exalted  title  of  an 
apostolic  king,  to  accept  the  office  of  Protector  of 
the  Leopold  Foundation."  Now  in  the  present 
state  of  the  war  of  principles  in  Europe,  is  not  a  so 
ciety  formed  avowedly  to  act  upon  this  country,  ori 
ginating  in  the  dominions  of  a  despot,  and  holding 
its  secret  councils  in  his  capital,  calculated  to  excite 
suspicion  ?  Is  it  credible  that  a  society  got  up  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Austrian  government,  under  the 
superintendence  of  its  chief  officers  of  state,  supply 
ing  with  funds  a  numerous  body  of  Jesuit  emissaries 
who  are  organizing  themselves  in  all  our  borders, 


UNDER  THE  CLOAK   OF   RELIGION.  23 

actively  passing  and  re-passing  between  Europe 
and  America  ;  is  it  credible,  I  say,  that  such  a  soci 
ety  has  for  its  object  purely  a  religious  reform  ?  Is 
it  credible  that  the  manufacturers  of  chains  for  bind, 
ing  liberty  in  Europe,  have  suddenly  become  bene 
volently  concerned  only  for  the  religious  welfare  of 
this  republican  people  ?  If  this  Society  be  solely 
for  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  faith,  one  would 
think  that  Rome,  and  not  Vienna  should  be  its  head 
quarters  !  that  the  Pope,  not  the  Emperor  of  Aus 
tria,  should  be  its  grand  patron  !  It  must  be  allow 
ed  that  this  should  be  a  subject  of  general  and  ab 
sorbing  interest.  If  despotism  has  devised  a  scheme 
for  operating  against  its  antagonist  principle  in  this 
country,  the  strong  hold,  the  very  citadel  of  free 
dom,  it  becomes  us  to  look  about  us.  It  is  high 
time  that  we  awake  to  the  apprehension  of  danger. 
I  propose  to  show,  why  I  believe  this  ostensibly  re 
ligious  society  covers  other  designs  than  religious. 


CHAPTER   II. 

Political  character  of  the  Austrian  government,  the  powef 
attacking  us — The  old  avowed  enemy  of  Protestant  li 
berty—Character  of  the  people  of  Austria— Slaves — Cha 
racter  of  Prince  Metternich,  the  arch  contriver  of  plans  to 
stifle  liberty— These  ENEMIES  of  all  liberty,  suddenly  anxi 
ous  for  the  civil  and  re'igious  liberty  of  the  United  States— 
The  absurdity  of  their  ostensible  design  exposed— The 
avowed  objects  of  Austria  in  the  Leopold  foundation — Po 
pery  the  instrument  to  act  upon  our  institutions. 

THE  documents  to  which  I  have  alluded,  exhibit 
so  much  of  the  correspondence  of  the  "St.  Leopold 
Foundation,"  as  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  publish 
in  Vienna.  They  consist  of  letters  and  statements 
from  Jesuists,  bishops  and  priests,  residing  or  itine 
rating  in  this  country,  and  whose  resources  are 
derived  chiefly  from  the  Society  in  Austria.  In 
documents  thus  prepared  by  Jesuists,  (the  most  wary 
order  of  ecclesiastics,)  to  draw  forth  more  liberal 
supplies  of  money  from  abroad,  and  then  submitted 
to  the  revision  of  the  most  cautious  cabinet  of  Europe, 
that  so  much  only  may  be  published  as  will  attain, 
their  object  in  the  Austrian  dominions,  while  all  that 
might  excite  suspicion  in  the  United  States  is  con- 
cealed,  we  must  expect  to  find  great  care  to  avoid 
3 


26  CHARACTER   OP   AUSTRIA, 

any  unnecessary  exposure  of  covert  political  designs. 
The  evidence  therefore  of  a  concerted  political 
attack  upon  our  institutions,  which  I  conceive  to  lurk 
under  the  sudden  and  extraordinary  zeal  of  Austria 
for  the  religious  welfare  of  the  United  States,  will 
not  depend  altogether  on  the  information  derived  from 
these  documents.  Such  an  attack  is  what  might  be 
expected  from  the  present  political  attitude  of  the 
European  nations,  in  regard  to  the  principles  of  des 
potism  and  liberty  ;  from  the  powerful  and  unavoid 
able  effect  which  our  institutions  exert  in  favor  of 
the  popular  principle  ;  and  also  from  the  known  poli 
tical  character  of  Austria. 

Who,  and  what  is  Austria,  the  government  that  is 
so  benevolently  concerned  for  our  religious  welfare  ? 
Austria  is  one  of  that  Holy  Alliance  of  despotic  gov 
ernments,  one  of  the  "  union  of  Christian  princes," 
leagued  against  the  liberties  of  the  people  of  Europe. 
Austria  is  one  of  the  partitioners  of  Poland  ;  the  en- 
slaver  and  despot  of  Italy.  Her  government  is  the 
most  thorough  military  despotism  in  the  world.  She 
is  the  declared  and  consistent  enemy  of  civil  and  re 
ligious  liberty  ;  of  the  freedom  of  the  press ;  in  short, 
of  every  great  principle  in  those  free  institutions 
which  it  is  our  glory  and  privilege  to  inherit  from  our 
fathers.  Austria,  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Reformation  to  the  present  time,  has  been  the  bitter 


*HE    PEOPLE,    AND    PRINCE  METTERNICH.  27 

enemy  of  Protestantism.  The  famous  thirty  years' 
war,  marked  by  every  kind  of  brutal  excess,  was 
waged  to  extirpate  those  very  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  our 
government,  and  had  Austria  then  triumphed,  this 
republic  would  never  have  been  founded. 

And  what  are  the  people  of  Austria  ?  They  are 
slaves,  slaves  in  body  and  mind,  whipped  and  dis 
ciplined  by  priests  to  have  no  opinion  of  their  own, 
and  taught  to  consider  their  Emperor  their  God. 
They  are  the  jest  and  by-word  of  the  Northern  Ger 
mans,  who  never  speak  of  Austrians  but  with  a  sneer,, 
and,  "  as  slaves  unworthy  the  name  of  Germans  ; 
as  slaves  both  mentally  and  physically."  [D wight.] 

And  who  is  Prince  Metternich,  whose  letter  of 
approval,  in  the  name  of  his  master  the  Emperor,  is 
among  the  documents  ?  He  is  the  master  of  his  Mas 
ter,  the  arch  contriver  of  the  plans  for  stifling  liberty 
in  Europe  and  throughout  the  world.  "  Metternich," 
says  D  wight  in  his  Travels  in  Germany,  "  by  his 
wonderful  talent  in  exciting  fear,  has  thus  far  control 
led  the  cabinets  of  Europe,  and  has  exerted  an  influ 
ence  over  the  destinies  of  nations,  little,  if  any  infe 
rior  to  that  of  Napoleon."  He  persuaded  the  Empe 
ror  of  Austria  and  King  of  Prussia  not  to  fulfil  the 
premise  they  so  solemnly  made  to  their  German 
subjects  of  giving  them  free  constitutions.  It  was 


Og  ACTS  OF   METTERNICH   AGAINST   LIBERTY. 

the  influence  of  Metternich  that  prevented  Alexander 
from  assisting  Greece  in  her  struggles  for  liberty. 
He  lent  Austrian  vessels  to  assist  the  Turks  in  the 
subjugation  of  the  Greeks.  Metternich  crushed  the 
liberties  of  Spain  by  inducing  Louis  -XVIII.,  against 
his  wishes,  to  send  100,000  men  thither  under  the 
Duke  d'  Angouleme  to  restore  public  order !  "  When 
Sicily,  Naples,  and  Genoa,  in  1820-1,  threw  off  the 
galling  yoke  of  slavery,  Metternich  sent  his  30,000 
Austrian  bayonets  into  Italy  and  re-established  des 
potism.  And  when  in  1831,  (as  the  writer  can  tes 
tify  from  personal  observation,)  goaded  to  desperation 
by  the  extortion  and  tyranny,  and  bad  faith  of  the 
Papal  government,  the  Italian  patriots  made  a  noble 
and  successful  effort  to  remedy  their  political  evils 
by  a  revolution  firm,  yet  temperate,  founded  in  the 
most  tolerant  principles,  marked  by  no  excess,  and 
hailed  by  the  Legations  with  universal  joy,  again  did 
this  arch-enemy  of  human  happiness  let  loose  his 
myrmidons,  overwhelming  the  cities,  dragging  the 
patriots,  Italy's  first  citizens  to  the  scaffold,  or  incar 
cerating  them  in  the  dungeons  of  Venice,  filling  whole 
provinces  with  mourning,  and  bringing  back  upon  the 
wretchedly  oppressed  population  the  midnight  dark 
ness  which  the  dawn  of  liberty  had  begun  to  dispel. 
"  Prince  Mettermch,"  says  Dwight,  "  is  regarded  by 
the  liberals  of  Europe  as  the  greatest  enemy  of  the 


AUSTRIA  CONCERNED  FOR  OUR  WELFARE.  29 

human  race  who  has  lived  for  ages.  You  rarely 
hear  his  name  mentioned  without  exciting  indigna 
tion,  not  only  in  the  speaker  but  in  the  auditors.  Met- 
ternich  has  not  been  attacking  MEN  but  PRINCIPLES, 
arid  has  done  so  much  towards  destroying  on  the  con 
tinent  those  great  political  truths,  which  nations  have 
acquired  through  ages  of  effort  and  suffering,  that 
^there  is  reason  to  fear,  should  his  system  continue  for 
half  a  century,  liberty  will  forsake  the  continent  to 
revisit  it  no  more.  The  Saxons  literally  abhor  this 
Prince.  The  German  word  mitternacht  means  mid 
night.  From  the  resemblance  of  the  word  to  Met- 
ternich,  as  well  as  from  his  efforts  to  cover  Europe 
with  political  darkness,  the  Saxons  call  him  Prince 
Mitternaclit — Prince  Midnight." 

This  is  the  government  and  the  people,  which 
have,  all  at  once,  manifested  so  deep  an  interest  in 
the  spiritual  condition  of  this  heretic  land.  It  is  this 
nation  of  slaves,  this  remnant  of  the  superstition  and 
vassalage,  and  degradation  of  the  dark  ages,  from 
whom  the  light  of  the  nineteenth  century  has  been 
so  carefully  shut  out,  that  it  fondly  conceits  its  own 
darkness  to  be  light,  its  death-like  torpor,  order, — it  is 
this  nation,  not  yet  disenthralled  from  the  chains  of  su 
perstition, that  is  anxious  to  enlighten  us,  in  the  United 
States,  in  the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
Civil  and  religious  liberty  !  words  that  may  not  be 
3* 


30  A   SUSPICIOUS   BENEVOLENCE. 

uttered  in  Austria  but  at  the  risk  of  the  dungeon ;  words 
that  would  carry  such  shrieks  of  dismay  through 
the  ranks  of  Prince  Metternich's  vassals,  as  the  flash 
of  a  torch  would  bring  forth  from  a  cavern  of  owls. 
And  can  it  be  believed  that  such  a  government,  the 
determined,  consistent  enemy  of  libeity,  has  no  inte 
rested  motive,  no  political  design,  no  other  than  sen 
timents  of  Christian  benevolence  in  her  operations  in 
this  country  ?  Is  it  likely  that  we,  Protestant  repub 
licans  of  the  United  States,  have  won  the  kind  re 
gards  of  the  Austrian  government,  which  has  been 
the  persevering  foe  of  the  Reformation  and  its  repub 
lican  fruits  since  the  days  of  Luther  ?  Has  not  Aus 
tria  had  vexation  and  anxiety  and  trouble  enough  for 
fifty  years  past,  in  stopping  up  the  opening  crevices 
of  the  European  dungeon  through  which  the  unwel 
come  light  of  American  liberty  has  so  often  broken, 
to  be  perfectly  apprised  of  the  hated  source  of  that 
light  ?  Yes,  she  cannot  but  now  perceive,  that  those 
Protestant  principles,  which  she  has  been  incessantly 
engaged  in  endeavoring  to  suppress,  driven  by  the 
winds  of  persecution  from  Europe,  have  been  taking 
root,  and  strengthening  in  a  congenial  soil,  and  are 
here  bearing  their  genuine  fruits,  liberty  and  happi 
ness,  and  all  the  religious  and  social  virtues.  She 
cannot  view  this  Protestant  nation  growing  to  gigan 
tic  dimensions,  a  living  proof  of  the  truth  and  salutary 


A   GOVERNMENT  NOT   A  PRIVATE    ENTERPRISE.  31 

influence  of  the  principles  she  hates,  without  feeling 
that  her  own  principles  of  darkness  are  in  danger. 
And  well  may  she  be  dismayed.  Yes,  Austria  has 
turned  her  eyes  towards  us,  and  she  loves  us  as  the 
owl  loves  the  sun.  Can  any  one  doubt  that  she  would 
extinguish  every  spark  of  liberty  in  this  country,  if  she 
had  the  power  ?  Can  any  one  believe  that  she  would 
make  no  attempt  to  abate  an  evil  which  daily  threat 
ens  more  and  more  the  very  existence  of  her  throne? 
We  may  be  told  by  some,  perhaps,  that  her  designs  are 
purely  of  a  religious  character.  Who  can  believe  it  ? 
No  one  who  has  been  in  Austria.  Every  intelligent 
man  who  has  resided  even  for  a  short  time  in  the  Aus 
trian  dominions,  must  have  seen  enough  of  the  craft, 
both  of  the  government  and  the  priests,  to  make  him 
suspicious  of  all  their  doings,  and  most  so,  when  they 
are  most  lavish  of  their  professions  of  kindness  and 
benevolence.  "  Timeo  Danaos  et  dona  ferentes." 

But  let  us  see  what  Austria  avows  as  her  design 
in  the  formation  of  the  Leopold  Foundation.*  The 
first  great  object  is  "  To  promote  the  greater  activity 

*  Some  may  be  inclined  to  ask,  Is  not  this  society  a  pi-irate 
association,  merely  chartered  by  the  government,  not  differing 
materially  from  the  religious  societies  in  our  own  country  ?  I 
answer  that,  were  the  Leopold  Foundation  an  association  of 
private  individuals,  (which  it  is  not.)  yet  got  up  in  the  Austrian 
dominions,  it  would  still  be  a  government  affair.— For  we 
must  not  confound  the  practices  of  two  governments,  so  to 
tally  opposite  in  the  administration  of  all  their  affairs  as  the 
Austrian  and  our  own.  From  the  happy  separation  of  church 
and  elate  in  our  own  countryjreligious  societies,  of  whatever  ch  a- 


82  CATHOLIC  MISSIONS   THE   INSTRUMENT. 

of  Catlwlic  missions  in  America."  She  may  be,  and 
doubtless  is,  perfectly  sincere  in  this  design,  for  it  is 
only  necessary  that  she  should  succeed  in  her  avow 
ed  object  to  have  her  utmost  wishes  accomplished. 
She  need  avow  no  other  aim.  If  she  gains  this,  she 
gains  all.  If  she  succeeds  in  fastening  upon  us  the 
chains  of  Papal  bondage,  she  has  a  people  as  fit  for 
any  yoke  she  pleases  to  grace  our  necks  withal,  as 
any  slaves  over  whom  she  now  holds  her  despotic 
rod.  She  has  selected  a  fitting  instrument  for  her 
purpose.  Her  armies  can  avail  her  nothing  against 
us,  for  the  ocean  intervenes.  Her  diplomacy  gives 
her  no  hold,  for  there  are  scarcely  any  political  rela 
tions  between  us.  The  only  instrument  by  which 
she  can  gain  the  least  influence  in  these  States  is  that 
precisely  which  she  has  chosen.  Its  perfect  fitness  to 
accomplish  any  political  design  against  the  liberties 
of  this  country  and  of  the  world,  I  shall  next  consider. 

racter,  have  no  connection  with  the  government.  They  move 
in  a  separate  sphere  df  action,  yet  in  perfect  harmony  with  it. 
But  in  Austria,  no  plan,  no  society  of  any  kind,  is  private; 
the  government  interferes  in  every  thing,  is  all  in  all.  Even, 
the  persecuted  Maroncejli,  confined  in  the  dungeons  of  Spiel 
berg  for  the  crime  of  loving  the  political  principles  of  this  coun 
try,  must  wait  a  week,  at  the  risk  of  this  life,  for  a  gracious 
permission  from  the  Paternal  government  to  have  his  leg  am 
putated.  Yes,  a  private  matter  like  this  is  a  government 
affair;  how  much  more  then  a  grand  society,  with  the  Empe 
ror  its  patron,  the  Crown  prince  and  heir  to  the  imperial  throne 
its  protector,  and  Prince  Metternich,  and  all  the  dignitaries  of 
the  empire,  temporal  and  ecclesiastical,  engaged  in  its  opera 
tions  ?  It  is  the  Austrian  government  that  is  engaged  iu  this 
plan  of  an  ostensibly  religimis  character. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Popery,  in  its  political  not  its  religious  character,  the  object  of 
the  present  examination— The  fitness  of  the  instrument  to 
accomplish  the  political  designs  of  despotism  considered — 
The  principles  of  a  despotic  and  free  government,  briefly 
contrasted — Despotic  principles  fundamental  in  Popery — 
Proved  by  infallible  cestimony— Papal  claims  of  divine 
right  and  plentitude  of  power—  Abject  principles  of  Popery 
illustrated  from  the  Russian  catechism— Protestantism 
from  its  birth  in  favor  of  liberty— Luther  on  the  4th  of 
July  attacked  the  presumptuous  claim  of  divine  right — Des 
potism  and  Popery  hand  in  hand  against  the  liberty  of 
conscience,  liberty  of  opinion,  and  liberty  of  the  press— 
The  anti-republican  declarations  of  the  present  Pope  Gre 
gory,  XVI. 

BEFORE  commencing  the  examination  of  the  per 
fect  fitness  of  the  instrument,  Catholic  missions,  to 
accomplish  the  political  designs  upon  this  country  of 
Austria  and  her  despotic  allies,  I  would  premise,  that 
I  have  nothing  to  do  in  these  remarks  with  the 
purely  religious  character  of  the  tenets  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  sect.  They  are  not  in  discussion.  If  any 
wish  to  resolve  their  doubts  in  the  religious  contro 
versy,  the  acute  pens  of  the  polemic  writers  of  the 
day  will  furnish  them  abundant  means  of  deciding  for 
themselves.  But  every  religious  sect  has  certain 


34  DESPOTIC   AND   FREE   PRINCIPLES    CONTRASTED. 

principles  of  government  growing  out  of  its  particu 
lar  religious  belief,  and  which  will  be  found  to  agree 
or  disagree  with  the  principles  of  any  given  form  of 
•civil  government.*  It  is  my  design,  therefore,  brief. 
3y  to  consider  some  of  the  antagonist  principles  of 
,the  government  of  Austria  and  of  the  United  States, 
and  compare  them  with  the  principles  of  govern 
ment  of  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  sects.  By  this 
method  we  shall  be  able  to  judge  of  their  bearing 
on  the  permanency  of  our  present  civil  institutions. 
Let  us 'first  present  to  view  the  fundamental  prin 
ciple  of  government,  that  principle  which,  according 
to  its  agreement  with  one  or  the  other  of  the  two 
opposite  opinions  that  divide  the  world,  decides  en 
tirely  the  character  of  the  government  in  every  part 
of  the  body  politic.  From  whom  is  authority  to  go 
vern  derived  1  Austria  and  the  United  States  will 
agree  in  answering, — -from  God.  The  opposition  of 
opinion  occurs  in  the  answers  to  the  next  question. 
To  whom  on  earth  is  this  authority  delegated  1  Austria 
answers,  To  the  EMPEROR,  who  is  the  source  of  all 
authority, — "Ithe  Emperor  do  ordain"  &c.  The  Uni- 
ted-States  answers,  To  the  PEOPLE.,  in  whom  resides 
the  Sovereign  power, — "  We  the  People  do  ordain,  es 
tablish,  grant,"  &c.  In  one  principle  is  recognized  the 
necessity  of  the  servitude  of  the  people,  the  absolute 
*  See  note  B. 


DESPOTISM  INHERENT  IN  POPERY.  35 

dependence  of  the  subject,  unqualified  submission  to 
the  commands  of  the  rulers  without  question  or  ex 
amination.  The  Ruler  is  Master,  the  People  are 
Slaves.  In  the  other  is  recognized  the  supremacy -of 
the  people,  the  equality  of  rights  and  powers  of  the 
citizen,  submission  alone  to  laws  emanating  from 
themselves ;  the  Ruler  is  a  public  servant,  receiving 
wages  from  the  people  to  perform  services -agreeable 
to  their  pleasure  ;  amenable  in  all  things  to  them  ; 
and  holding  office  at  their  will.  The  Ruler  is  Ser 
vant,  the  People  are  Master.  The  fact  and  impor 
tant  nature  of  the  difference  in  these  antagonist  doc 
trines,  leading,  as  is  perceived,  to  diametrically  oppo 
site  results,  are  all  that  is  needful  to  state  in  order  to 
proceed  at  once  to  the  inquiry,  which  position  does 
the  Catholic  sect  and  the  Protestant  sects  severally 
favor  ?  The  Pope,  the  supreme  Head  of  the  Catho 
lic  church,  claims  to  be  the  "  Vicegerent  of  God," 
"  supreme  over  all  mortals ;"  "  over  all  Emperors, 
Kings,  Princes,  Potentates  and  People  ;"  "  King  of 
kings  and  Lord  of  lords."  He  styles  himself,  "  the 
divinely  appointed  dispenser  of  spiritual  and  tempo 
ral  punishments  ;"  "  armed  with  power  to  depose  Em 
perors  and  Kings,  and  absolve  subjects  from  their 
oath  of  allegiance  :"  "  from  him  lies  no  appeal ;"  "  he 
is  responsible  to  no  one  on  earth  ;"  "  he  is  judged  of 
no  one  but  God."  But  not  to  go  back  to  former  ages 


36  ABJECT   POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES    OF   POPBRY. 

to  prove  the  fact  of  the  Pope's  claiming  divine  right, 
let  the  present  Pontiff  Gregory  XVI.  testify.  He 
claims,  and  attempts  the  exercise  of  this  plentitude  of 
power  and  asserts  his  divine  rigid.  The  document 
I  quote  is  fresh  from  the  Vatican,  scarce  four  months 
old,  a  document  in  which  the  Pope  interferes  directly 
in  the  political  affairs  of  Portugal  against  Don  Pedro. 
"  How  can  there  be  unity  in  the  body,"  says  the 
Pope,  "when  the  members  are  not  united  to  the 
head  and  do  not  obey  it  ?  And  how  can  this  union  and 
obedience  be  maintained  in  a  country  where  they 
drive  from  their  sees  the  bishops,  legitimately  insti 
tuted  by  Him  to  whom  it  appertains  to  assign  pastors 
to  all  the  vacant  churches,  because  the  DIVINE  RIGHT 
grants  to  Him  alone  the  prima  -y  of  jurisdiction  and 
the  plentitude  of  power"  The  Catholic  catechism 
now  taught  by  Catholic  priests  to  the  Poles  in  all  the 
schools  of  Poland,  and  published  by  special  order  at 
Wilna,  1832,  is  very  conclusive  of  the  character  of 
Catholic  doctrine.  The  following  questions  and 
answers  are  propounded  : 

"Quest.  1.  How  is  the  authority  of  the  Emperor 
to  be  considered  in  reference  to  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity  ?  Ans.  As  proceeding  immediately  from 
God. 

"  Quest.  2.  How  is  this  substantiated  by  the  nature 
of  things  ?  Ans.  It  is  by  the  will  of  God  that  men 
live  in  society ;  hence  the  various  relations  which 


RUSSIAN   CATECHISM.  37 

constitute  society,  which  for  its  more  complete  secu 
rity  is  divided  into  parts  called  nations  ;  the  govern 
ment  of  which  is  intrusted  to  a  Prince,  King,  or  Em 
peror,  or  in  other  words,  to  a  Supreme  ruler ;  we 
see,  then,  that  as  man  exists  in  conformity  to  the 
will  of  God,  society  emanates  from  the  same  divine 
will,  and  more  especially  the  supreme  power  and 
authority  of  our  lord  and  master,  the  Czar. 

"  Quest.  3.  What  duties  does  religion  teach  us 
the  humble  subjects  of  his  majesty  the  Emperor  of 
Russia,  to  practice  towards  him?  Ans.  Worship, 
obedience,  fidelity,  the  payment  of  taxes,  service, 
love  and  prayer,  the  whole  being  comprised  in  the 
words  worship  and  fidelity. 

"  Quest.  4.  Wherein  does  this  worship  consist, 
and  how  should  it  be  manifested  ?  Ans.  By  the  most 
unqualified  reverence  in  words,  gestures,  demeanor, 
thoughts  and  actions. 

"Quest.  5.  What  kind  of  obedience  do  we  owe 
him  ?  Ans.  An  entire,  passive,  and  unbounded  obe 
dience  in  every  point  of  view. 

"  Quest.  6.  In  what  consists  the  fidelity  we 
owe  to  the  Emperor  ?  Ans.  In  executing  his  com 
mands  most  rigorously,  without  examination,  in  per- 
forming  the  duties  he  requires  from  us,  and  in  doing 
every  thing  willingly  without  murmuring. 

"  Quest.  8.  Is  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  the  Em 
peror,  obligatory  on  us  ?  Ans.  Absolutely  so ;  we 
should,  if  required,  sacrifice  ourselves  in  compli 
ance  with  his  will,  both  in  a  civil  and  military  capa 
city,  and  in  whatever  manner  he  deems  expedient. 

"  Quest.  9.  What  benevolent  sentiments  and  love 
are  due  to  the  Emperor  ?  Ans.  We  should  mani 
fest  our  good  will  and  affection,  according  to  our 
station,  in  endeavoring  to  promote  the  prosperity  of 
our  native  land,  Russia,  (not  Poland,)  as  well  as  that 
4 


38  RUSSIAN    CATECHISM. 

of  the  Emperor,  our  father,  and  of  his  august  fa 
mily.  *  *  * 

"  Quest.  13.  Does  religion  forbid  us  to  rebel,  and 
overthrow  the  government  of  the  Emperor  ?  Ans. 
We  are  interdicted  from  so  doing,  at  all  times,  and 
under  any  circumstances. 

"Quest.  14.  Independently  of  the  worship  we  owe 
to  the  Emperor,  are  we  called  upon  to  respect  the 
public  authorities  emanating  from  him  ?  Ans.  Yes  ; 
because  they  emanate  from  him,  represent  him.  and 
act  as  his  substitute,  so  that  the  Emperor  is  every 
where. 

"  Quest.  15.  What  motives  have  we  to  fulfi.l  the 
duties  above  enumerated  ?  Ans.  The  motives  are 
two. fold — some  natural,  others  revealed. 

"  Quest.  16.  What  are  the  natural  motives  ?  Ans. 
Besides  the  motives  adduced,  there  are  the  folio  wing  : 
The  Emperor,  being  the  head  of  the  nation,  the  fa- 
ther  of  all  his  subjects  who  constitute  one  and  the 
same  country,  is  thereby  alone  worthy  of  reverence, 
gratitude,  and  obedience:  for  both  public  welfare 
and  individual  security  depend  on  submissiveness 
to  his  commands. 

"  Quest.  17.  What  are  the  supernatural  revealed 
motives  for  this  worship  ?  Ans.  The  supernatural 
revealed  motives  are,  that  the  Emperor  is  the  vice 
gerent  and  minister  of  God  to  execute  the  divine 
commands ;  and,  consequently,  disobedience  to  the 
Emperor  is  identified  with  disobedience  to  God  him 
self,  that  God  will  reward  us  in  the  world  to  come 
for  the  worship  and  obediencq  we  render  the  Empe 
ror,  and  punish  us  severely  to  all  eternity  should  we 
disobey  and  neglect  to  worship  him.  Moreover, 
God  commands  us  to  love  and  obey  from  the  inmost 
recesses  of  the  heart  every  authority,  and  particu- 


LIBERTY    INHERENT     IN    PROTESTANTISM.  39 

larly  the  Emperor,  not  from  worldly  considerations, 
but  from  apprehension  of  the  final  judgment. 

"Quest.  19.  What  examples  confirm  this  doc 
trine?  Ans.  The  example  of  Jesus  Christ  himself,  who 
lived  and  died  in  allegiance  to  the  Emperor  of  Rome, 
and  respectfully  submitted  to  the  judgment  which 
condemned  him  to  death.  We  have,  moreover,  the 
example  of  the  Apostles,  who  both  loved  and  re 
spected  them  ;  they  suffered  meekly  in  dungeons 
conformably  to  the  will  of  Emperors,  and  did  not 
revolt  like  malefactors  and  traitors.  We  must, 
therefore,  in  imitation  of  these  examples,  suffer  and 
be  silent." 

This  is  the  slavish  doctrine  taught  to  the  Catholics 
of  Poland.  The  people,  instead  of  having  power  or 
rights,  are  according  to  this  catechism  mere  passive 
slaves,  born  for  their  masters,  taught  by  a  perversion 
of  the  threatenings  of  religion  to  obey  without  mur 
muring,  or  questioning,  or  examination,  the  mandates 
of  their  human  deity,  bid  to  cringe  and  fawn  and  kiss 
the  very  feet  of  majesty,  and  deem  themselves  happy 
to  be  whipped,  to  be  kicked,  or  to  die  in  his  service. 
Is  it  necessary  to  say  that  there  is  not  a  Protestant 
sect  in  this  country  that  holds  such  abject  sentiments, 
or  whose  creed  inculcates  such  barefaced  idolatry  of 
a  human  being  1  Protestantism,  on  the  contrary,  at 
its  birth,  while  yet  bound  with  many  of  the  shackles 
of  Popery,  attacked,  in  its  earliest  lispings  of  free- 


40  COINCIDENCE   OP   POPISH   AND   DESPOTIC   LAWS. 

dom,  this  very  doctrine  of  divine  right.  It  was 
Luther,  and  by  a  singular  coincidence  of  day  too,  on 
the  fourth  of  July,  who  first  in  a  public  disputation 
at  Leipsic  with  his  Popish  antagonist,  called  in  ques 
tion  the  divine  right  of  the  Pope. 

Let  us  now  examine  in  contrast  other  political 
rights,  liberty  of  conscience,  liberty  of  opinion,  and 
liberty  of  the  press.  Austria  and  the  United  States 
differ  on  these  points  as  widely  as  on  the  fundamental 
question.  Austria  not  only  has  the  press  in  her  own 
territory  under  censorship,  but  intermeddles  to  con 
trol  the  press  in  neighboring  states  on  the  principle 
of  self  preservation.  "  In  Saxony,"  says  Dwight, 
"  the  press  is  fettered  by  Austria  and  Prussia,  who 
allege  this  reason,  i  that  all  the  works  published  in 
Saxony,  which  are  not  on  the  proscribed  list,  are 
freely  admitted  into  our  dominions.  For  our  happi 
ness,  therefore,  and  the  stability  of  our  thrones,  it  is 
necessary  that  the  press  should  be  fettered !  /' "  As 
to  liberty  of  opinion,  political  or  religious,  in  Austria, 
no  one  dreams  of  the  existence  of  such  a  thing  ;  the 
dungeon  is  a  summary  mode  there  of  obtaining  a 
most  happy  uniformity  of  opinion  throughout  all  the 
imperial  dominions.  It  is  our  glory,  on  the  contrary, 
that  all  these  rights  are  secured  to  us  by  our  institu 
tions,  and  freely  enjoyed,  not  only  without  the  least 


POPERY  AGAINST    LIBERTY  OF  OPINION.  4]_ 

danger  to  the  peace  of  the  state,  but  from  the  very 
genius  of  our  government,  they  are  esteemed  among 
its  most  precious  safeguards.  What  are  the  Catho 
lic  tenets  on  these  points  ?  Shall  I  go  back  some 
three  or  four  hundred  years,  and  quote  the  pontifical 
kw  which  says,  [Art.  9.]  "  The  Pope  has  the  power 
to  interpret  Scripture  and  to  teach  as  he  pleases, 
and  no  person  is  allowed  to  teach  in  a  different  way" 
Or  to  the  fourth  Council  of  Lateran  in  1215,  which 
decrees  "  That  all  heretics,  (that  is  all  who  have  an 
opinion  of  their  own,)  shall  be  delivered  over  to  the 
civil  magistrate  to  be  burned."  Or  shall  I  refer  to 
the  Catholic  Index  Expurgatorius  to  the  list  of  for 
bidden  books,  to  show  how  the  press  is  still  fettered  ? 
No !  it  is  unnecessary  to  go  farther  than  the  present 
day.  The  reigning  pontiff  Gregory  XVI.  shall 
again  answer  the  question.  He  has  most  opportunely 
furnished  us  with  the  present  sentiments  of  the  Ca 
tholic  church  on  these  very  points.  In  his  ency 
clical  letter,  dated  Sept.  1832,  the  Pope,  lamenting 
the  disorders  and  infidelity  of  the  times,  says, 

"  From  this  polluted  fountain  of  *  indifference,' 
flows  that  absurd  and  erroneous  doctrine,  or  rather 
raving,  in  favor  and  defence  of  *  liberty  of  con 
science,'  for  which  most  pestilential  error,  the 
course  is  opened  to  that  entire  and  wild  liberty  of 
4* 


42  POPERY  AGAINST   LIBERTY  OF  THE   PRESS. 

opinion,  which  is  every  where  attempting  the  over, 
throw  of  religious  and  civil  institutions  ;  and  which 
the  unblushing  impudence  of  some  has  held  forth 
as  an  advantage  to  religion.  Hence  that  pest,  of  all 
others  most  to  le  dreaded  in  a  state,  unbridled  liberty 
of  opinion,  licentiousness  of  speech,  and  a  lust  of  no- 
velty,  which,  according  to  the  experience  of  all  ages, 
portend  the  downfall  of  the  most  powerful  and  flour- 
ishing  empires." 

"  Hither  tends  that  worst  and  never  sufficiently  to 
be  execrated  and  detested  LIBERTY  OF  THE  PRESS,  for 
the  diffusion  of  all  manner  of  writings,  which  some 
so  loudly  contend  for,  and  so  actively  promote." 

He  complains  too  of  the  dissemination  of  unli 
censed  books. 

"  No  means  must  be  here  omitted,  says  Clement 
XIII.,  our  predecessor  of  happy  memory,  in  the 
Encyclical  Letter  on  the  proscription  of  bad  books 
— no  means  must  be  here  omitted,  as  the  extremity 
of  the  case  calls  for  all  our  exertions,  to  exterminate 
the  fatal  pest  which  spreads  through  so  many  works  ; 
nor  can  the  materials  of  error  be  cthencise  destroy 
ed  than  ly  the  flames,  which  consume  the  depraved 
elements  of  the  evil." 

Now  all  this  is  explicit  enough,  here  is  no  am 
biguity.  We  see  clearly  from  infalUbk  authority 


POPERY   INTOLERANT  OF  ALL   LIBEHTY.  43 

that  the  Catholic  of  the  present  day,  wherever  he 
may  be,  if  he  is  true  to  the  principles  of  his  sect,  can 
not  consistently  tolerate  liberty  of  conscience,  or  li 
berty  of  the  press.  Is  there  any  sect  of  Protestants 
in  this  country,  from  whose  religious  tenets  doctrines 
so  subversive  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  can  be 
even  inferred  ?  If  there  be,  I  am  ignorant  of  its 
name.  The  subject  will  be  pursued  in  the  next 
chapter. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

The  cause  of  Popery  and  despotism  identical — Striking  differ 
ence  between  Popery  and  Protestantism  as  they  exist  in  this 
country — American  Protestantism  not  controlled  by  foreign 
Protestantism— American  Popery  entirely  under  foreign  con 
trol — Jesuits  the  foreign  agents  of  Austria,  bound  by  the 
strongest  ties  of  interest  to  Austrian  policy,  not  to  American 
— Their  dangerous  power — unparalleled  in  any  Protestant 
sect— Our  free  institutions  opposed  in  their  nature  to  the 
arbitrary  claims  of  Popery— Duplicity  to  be  expected — Po 
litical  dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  Roman  Catholic  or 
ganization—American  Roman  Catholic  ecclesiastical  mat 
ters  uncontrolled  by  Americans  or  in  America — Managed 
in  a  foreign  country  by  a  foreign  power  for  political  purpo 
ses—Consequences  that  may  easily  result  from  such  a  state 
of  things. 

I  EXPOSED  in  my  last  chapter  the  remarkable 
coincidence  of  the  tenets  of  Popery  with  the  principles 
of  despotic  government,  in  this  respect  so  opposite 
to  the  tenets  of  Protestantism  ;  Popery,  from  its  very 
nature,  favoring  despotism,  and  Protestantism,  from 
its  very  nature,  favoring  liberty.  Is  it  not  then  per 
fectly  natural  that  the  Austrian  government  should 
be  active  in  supporting  Catholic  missions  in  this 
country  1  Is  it  not  clear  that  the  cause  of  Popery 
is  the  cause  of  despotism  ? 


46         PROTESTANT   SECTS  MANAGED   IN  THE    COUNTRY. 

But  there  is  another  most  striking  and  important 
difference  between  Popery  and  Protestantism,  in 
their  bearing  upon  the  liberties  of  the  country.  No 
one  of  the  Protestant  sects  owns  any  head  out  of  this 
country,  or  is  governed  in  any  of  its  concerns  by  any 
men  or  set  of  men  in  a  foreign  land.  All  ecclesi 
astical  officers  are  nominated  and  appointed  or  re 
moved  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  No  for 
eign  body  has  any  such  union  with  any  sect  of  Pro 
testants  in  the  United  States,  as  even  to  advise,  much 
less  to  control  any  of  its  measures.  Our  Episco 
palians  appoint  their  own  bishops  without  consulting 
the  church  of  England  ;  our  Presbyterians  are  en 
tirely  independent  of  the  church  of  Scotland  ;  and  our 
Wesleyan  Methodists  have  no  ecclesiastical  connec 
tion  with  the  disciples  of  Wesley  in  the  old  world. 
But  how  is  it  in  these  respects  with  the  Catholics  ? 
The  right  of  appointing  to  all  ecclesiastical  offices 
in  this  country,  as  every  where  else,  is  in  the  Pope, 
(now  a  mere  creature  of  Austria.)  He  claims  the 
power,  as  we  have  seen,  by  divine  right.  All  the 
bishops,  and  all  the  ecclesiastics  down  to  the  most 
insignificant  officer  in  the  church,  are  from  the  ge 
nius  of  the  system  entirely  under  his  control.  And 
he,  of  course,  will  appoint  none  to  office  but  those 
who  will  favor  the  views  of  Austria.  He  will  re» 


POPERY   MANAGED   OUT     OF    THE   COUKTRY.  47 

quire  all  whom  he  appoints,  to  support  the  agents 
whom  Austria  is  sending  to  this  country  for  the  ac 
complishment  of  her  own  purposes. 

And  who  are  these  agents  1  They  are,  for  the 
most  part  Jesuits,  an  ecclesiastical  order,  proverbial 
through  the  world  for  cunning,  duplicity,  and  total 
want  of  moral  principle  ;  an  order  so  skilled  in  all 
the  arts  of  deception  that  even  in  Catholic  coun 
tries,  in  Italy  itself,  it  became  intolerable,  and  the 
people  required  its  suppression.  They  are  Jesuits 
in  the  pay  and  employ  of  a  despotic  government,  who 
are  at  work  on  the  ignorance  and  passions  of  our 
community ;  they  are  foreigners,  who  have  been 
schooled  in  foreign  seminaries  in  the  doctrine  of 
passive  obedience  ;  they  are  foreigners  under  vows 
of  perpetual  celibacy,  and  having,  therefore,  no  deep 
and  permanent  interest  in  this  country ;  they  are 
foreigners,  bound  by  the  strong  ties  of  pecuniary 
interest  and  ambition,  to  the  service  of  a  foreign  des 
pot.*  Is  there  no  danger  to  our  free  institutions 
from  a  host  commanded  by  such  men,  whose  num 
bers  are  constantly  increasing  by  the  machinations 
and  funds  of  Austria  ? 

Consider,   too,  the  power  which   these  Jesuits 
and  other  Catholic  priests  possess  through  the  con 
fessional,  of  knowing  the  private  characters  and  af- 
*See  Note  C, 


48  DANGEROUS    TOWEB    OF   JEEC1TS. 

fairs  of  all  the  leading  men  in  the  community ;  the 
power  arising  from  their  right  to  prescribe  the  kinds 
and  degrees  of  penance;  and  the  power  arising 
from  the  right  to  refuse  absolution  to  those  who  do 
not  comply  with  their  commands.  Suppose  such 
powers  were  exercised  by  the  ministers  of  any  other 
sect,  the  Episcopalian,  the  Methodist,  the  Presbyte 
rian,  the  Baptist,  &c.  what  an  outcry  would  be 
raised  in  the  land  !  And  should  not  the  men  who 
possess  such  powers  be  jealously  watched  by  all 
lovers  of  liberty  1 

Is  it  possible  that  these  Jesuits  can  have  a  sin- 
cere  attachment  to  the  principles  of  free  institutions  ? 
Do  not  these  principles  oppose  a  constant  barrier  to 
their  exercise  of  that  arbitrary  power,  which  they 
claim  as  a  divine  right,  and  which  they  exercise  too 
in  all  countries  where  they  are  dominant  ?  Can  it 
not  be  perceived,  that  although  they  may  find  it  po 
litic  for  the  present  to  conceal  their  anti-republican 
tenets,  yet  this  concealment  will  be  merely  tempo 
rary,  and  is  only  adopted  now,  the  better  to  lull  sus 
picion  ?  Is  it  not  in  accordance  with  all  experience 
of  Popish  policy,  that  Jesuits  should  encroach  by  lit 
tle  and  little,  and  persevere  till  they  have  attained  to 
plenitude  of  power.  At  present  they  have  but  one 
aim  in  this  country,  which  absorbs  all  others,  and 
that  is  to  make  themselves  popular.  If  they  sue- 


UNDER     AUSTRIAN   CONTROL.  49 

ceed  in  this  we  shall  then  learn,  when  too  late  to 
remedy  the  evil,  that  Popery  abandons  none  of  its 
divine  rights.  The  leaders  of  this  sect  are  disci 
plined  and  organized,  and  have  their  adherents  en 
tirely  subservient  to  their  will.  Here  then  is  a  re 
gular  party,  a  religious  sect,  ready  to  throw  the 
weight  of  its  power,  as  circumstances  may  require, 
ready  to  favor  any  man,  or  set  of  men,  who  will  en 
gage  to  favor  it. 

And  to  whom  do  these  leaders  look  for  their  in 
structions  ?  Is  it  to  a  citizen  or  body  of  citizens  be 
longing  to  this  country  ;  is  it  to  a  body  of  men  kept 
in  check  by  the  ever  jealous  eyes  of  other  bodies 
around  them,  and  by  the  immediate  publicity  which 
must  be  given  to  all  their  doings  ?  No,  they  are  men 
owning  no  law  on  this  side  of  the  ocean  ;  they  are 
the  Pope  and  his  Consistory  of  Cardinals,  following 
the  plans  and  instructions  of  the  imperial  cabinet  of 
Austria, — plans  formed  in  the  secret  councils  of  that 
cabinet,  instructions  delivered  in  secret,  according 
to  the  modes  of  despotism,  to  their  obedient  officers, 
and  distributed  through  the  well  disciplined  ranks  in 
this  country,  to  be  carried  into  effect  in  furtherance 
of  any  political  designs  the  Austrian  cabinet  may 
think  advantageous  to  its  own  interests.  And  will 
these  designs  be  in  favor  of  liberty  ?  With  a  party 
thus  formed  and  disciplined  among  us,  who  will  ven- 
5 


50  KESULT   OF  THIS   CONTROL. 

ture  to  say  that  our  elections  will  not  be  under  the 
control  of  a  Metternich,  and  that  the  appointment  of 
a  President  of  the  United  States  will  not  be  virtually 
made  in  the  Imperial  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  or  the  Con- 
sistory  of  Cardinals  at  Rome  ?  Will  this  be  pro 
nounced  incredible?  It  will  be  the  almost  certain 
result  of  the  dominion  of  Popery  in  this  coun 
try. 

But  we  need  not  imagine  that  it  will  always  be 
deemed  expedient  to  preserve  the  name  of  Presi 
dent,  or  even  the  elective  character  of  our  chief 
magistrate.  How  long  would  it  take  the  sophistry 
that  deludes  the  mind  of  its  victim  into  the  belief  of 
a  man's  infallibility,  and  fixes  the  delusion  there  in 
delibly,  binding  him  soul  and  body  to  believe  against 
the  evidence  of  his  reason,  and  his  senses  ;  holding 
him  in  the  most  abject  obedience  to  the  will  of  a 
fellow-man ;  how  long,  I  say,  would  it  take  such 
sophistry  to  impose  the  duty  of  acknowledging  the 
divine  right  of  an  emperor  over  the  priest  conquer 
ed  vassals  of  this  country — vassals  well  instructed 
in  the  Russian  Catechism,  and  prepared  to  worship, 
love  and  obey  as  their  Lord  and  Master,  some  scion 
of  the  House  of  Hapsburg, — the  Emperor  of  the 
United  Statei  ? 


CHAPTER   V. 

Points  in  our  political  system  which  favor  this  foreign  at 
tack—Our  toleration  of  all  religious  systems — Popery  opposed 
to  all  toleration — Charge  of  intolerance  substantiated — The 
organization  of  Popery  in  America  connected  with  and 
strengthened  by  foreign  organization—Without  a  parallel 
among  Protestant  sects — Great  preponderance  of  Popish 
strength  in  consequence — The  divisions  among  Protestant 
sects  nullifies  their  attempts  at  combination — Taken  advan 
tage  of  by  Jesuits— Popish  duplicity  illustrated  in  its  oppo 
site  alliances  in  Europe  with  despotism,  and  in  America 
with  democracy — The  laws  relating  to  immigration  and 
naturalization  favor  foreign  attack — Emigrants  being 
mostly  Catholic  and  in  entire  subjection  to  their  priests — 
No  remedy  provided  by  our  laws  for  this  alarming  evil. 

WHAT  I  have  advanced  in  my  previous  chap 
ters  may  have  convinced  my  readers  that  there  is 
.good  reason  for  believing  that  the  despots  of  Europe 
are  attempting,  by  the  spread  of  Popery  in  this 
country,  to  subvert  its  free  institutions  ;  yet  many 
may  think  that  there  are  so  many  counteracting 
•causes  in  the  constitution  of  our  society,  that  this  ef 
fort  to  bind  us  with  the  cast-off  chains  of  the  bigotry 
and  superstition  of  Europe  cannot  meet  with  success. 
I  will,  therefore,  in  the  present  chapter,  consider 
some  of  the  points  in  our  political  system,  of  which 
advantage  has  already  been  taken  to  attack  us,  by 
the  wily  enemies  of  our  .liberties. 


52  OCR  TOLERATION  FAVORS  ATTACK. 

It  is  a  beautiful  feature  in  our  constitution,  that 
every  man  is  left  to  worship  God  according  to  the 
dictates  of  his  own  conscience,  that  the  church  is 
separated  from  the  state,  and  that  equal  protection 
is  granted  to  all  creeds.  In  thus  tolerating  all  sects, 
we  have  admitted  to  equal  protection  not  only  those 
sects  whose  religious  faith  and  practice  support  the 
principle  on  which  the  free  toleration  of  all  is  found 
ed,  but  also  that  unique,  that  solitary  sect,  the  Cath 
olic,  which  builds  and  supports  its  system  on  the 
destruction  of  all  toleration.  Yes,  the  Catholic  is 
permitted  to  work  in  the  light  of  Protestant  tolera 
tion,  to  mature  his  plans,  and  to  execute  his  designs 
to  extinguish  that  light,  and  destroy  the  hands  that 
hold  it.  It  is  no  refutation  of  the  charge  of  intole 
rance  here  made  against  Catholics  as  a  sect,  to  show 
that  small  bodies  of  them,  under  peculiar  circum 
stances,  have  been  tolerant,  or  that  in  this  country, 
where  they  have  always  been  a  small  minority,  they 
make  high  professions  of  ardent  love  for  the  repub 
lican,  tolerant  institutions  of  our  government.  No 
one  can  be  deceived  by  evidence  so  partial  and  cir 
cumscribed,  while  the  blood  of  the  persecuted  for 
opinion's  sake,  stains  with  the  deepest  tinge  every 
page  of  the  history  of  that  church,  aye,  even  while 
it  is  still  wet  upon  the  dungeon  floors  of  Italy  ;  while 
the  intolerant  and  anti-republican  principles  of  Pope. 


POPBfcY   ESSENTIALLY  INTOLEBAKT.  53 

ry  are  now  weekly  thundered  from  the  Vatican,  and 
echoed  in  our  ears  by  almost  every  arrival  from 
Europe.* 

Let  me  not  be  charged  with  accusing  the  Catho 
lics  of  the  United  States  with  intolerance.  They  are 
too  small  a  body  as  yet  fully  to  act  out  their  princi 
ples,  and  their  present  conduct  does  not  affect  the 
general  question  in  any  way,  unless  it  may  be  to 
prove  that  they  are  not  genuine  and  consistent  Catho 
lics.  The  conduct  of  a  small  insulated  body,  under 
the  restraints  of  the  society  around  it,  is  of  no 
weight  in  deciding  the  character  of  the  sect,  while 
there  are  nations  of  the  same  infallible  faith  acting 
out  its  legitimate  principles  uncontrolled,  and  pro 
ducing  fruits  by  which  all  may  discern,  without  dan 
ger  of  mistake,  the  true  nature  of  the  tree.  If  Po 
pery  is  tolerant,  let  us  see  Italy,  and  Austria,  and 
Spain,  and  Portugal,  open  their  doors  to  the  teachers 
of  the  Protestant  faith  ;  let  these  countries  grant  to 
Protestant  missionaries,  as  freely  as  we  grant  to 
Catholics,  leave  to  disseminate  their  doctrine  through 
all  classes  in  their  dominions.  Then  may  Popery 
speak  of  toleration,  then  may  we  believe  that  it  has  felt 
the  influence  of  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  has  reform 
ed  .;  but  then  it  will  not  be  Popery,  for  Popery  never 
changes  ;  it  is  infallibly  the  same,  infallibly  intolerant. 
*  See  note  D. 
5* 


£4  DESPOTIC    ORGANIZATION. 

The  conspirators  against  our  liberties  who  have 
been  admitted  from  abroad  through  the  liberality  of 
our  institutions,  are  now  organized  in  every  part  of 
the  country ;  they  are  all  subordinates,  standing  in 
regular  steps  of  slave  and  master,  from  the  most  ab 
ject  dolt  that  obeys  the  commands  of  his  priest,  up 
to  the  great  master-slave  Metternich,  who  commands 
and  obeys  his  Illustrious  Master  the  Emperor.* 
They  report  from  one  to  another,  like  the  sub-offi 
cers  of  an  army,  up  to  the  commander-in-chief  at 
Vienna,  (not  the  Pope,  for  he  is  but  a  subordinate 
of  Austria."]")  There  is  a  similar  organization 
among  the  Catholics  of  other  countries,  and  the 
whole  Catholic  church  is  thus  prepared  to  throw  its 

*  See  note  E. 

tLest  the  charge  often  made  in  these  numbers  should  seem 
gratuitous,,  of  the  Pope  being  the  creature  of  Austria,  and  en 
tirely  subservient  to  the  Imperial  Cabinet,  it  may  be  as  well 
to  state  that  the  writer  was  in  Rome  during  the  deliberations 
of  the  Cenclave,  respecting  the  election  of  the  present  Pontiff. 
It  was  interesting  to  him  to  hear  the  speculations  of  the  Ital 
ians  on  the  probability  of  this  or  that  cardinal's  election. 
Couriers  were  daily  arriving  from  the  various  despotic  powers, 
and  intrigues  were  dfe  in  the  anti-chambers  of  the  Quirinal 
palace ;  now  it  was  said  that  Spain  would  carry  her  candi 
date,  now  Italy,  and  now  Austria,  and  when  Cardinal  Capel- 
lani  was  proclaimed  Pope,  the  universal  cry,  mixed  to©  with 
low-muttered  curses,  was  that  Austria  had  succeeded.  The 
new  Pope  had  scarcely  chosen  his  title  of  Gregory  XVI.  and 
•passed  through  the  ceremonies  of  coronation,  before  the  revo 
lution  in  his  states,  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  calling  in  Aus 
tria  to  take  possession  of  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  which 
;his  own  troops  could  not  keep  for  an  hour,  and  at  this  moment 
Austrian  soldiers  hold  the  Ronran  Legations  in  submission 
(to  the  cabinet  of  Vienna.  Is  not  the  Pope  a  creature  of  Austria  1 


NO   CHECK   FROM    PROTESTANT    ORGANIZATION.  55 

weight  of  power  and  wealth  into  the  hands  of  Aus 
tria,  or  any  Holy  Alliance  of  despots  who  may  be 
persuaded  to  embark  for  the  safety  of  their  dynas 
ties,  in  the  crusade  against  the  liberties  of  the  country 
which,  by  its  simple  existence  in  opposition  to  their 
theory  of  legitimate  power,  is  working  revolution 
and  destruction  to  their  thrones. 

Now,  to  this  dangerous  conspiracy  what  have 
we  to  oppose  in  the  discipline  of  Protestant  sects  ? 
However  well  organized,  each  according  to  its  own 
manner,  these  different  sects  may  be,  there  is  not 
one  of  them  that  can  by  any  possibility  derive 
strength  through  its  organ  iz&iion,  from  foreign  sects 
of  the  same  name.  Nor  is  this  a  matter  of  regret ; 
it  is  right  that  it  should  be  so ;  no  nation  can  be 
truly  independent  where  it  is  otherwise.  Foreign 
influence,  then,  cannot  find  its  way  into  the  country 
through  any  of  the  Protestant  sects,  to  the  danger  of 
the  State.  In  this  respect  Catholics  stand  alone. 
They  are  already  the  most  powerful  and  dangerous 
••sect  in  the  country,  for  they  are  not  confined  in  their 
schemes  and  means  like  the  other  sects,  to  our  own 
borders,  but  they  work  with  the  minds  and  the  funds 
of  all  despotic  Europe* 

And  not  only  are  each  of  the  Protestant  sects 
deprived  of  foreign  aid  ;  they  are  weak  collectively, 


56      t'SJNATCEAL   ALLIANCE   OF   POPERY  AND    DEMOCRACY. 

in  having  no  common  bond  of  union  among  them- 
selves,  so  far  as  political  action  is  concerned.  The 
mutual  jealousies  of  the  different  sects  have  hitherto 
prevented  this,  and  it  is  a  weakness  boasted  of  by 
Catholics,  and  of  which  advantage  is  and  ever  will 
be  taken  while  the  unnatural  estrangement  lasts. 
Catholics  have  boasted  that  they  can  play  off  one 
sect  against  another,  for  in  the  petty  controversies 
that  divide  the  contending  parties,  the  pliable  con 
science  of  the  Jesuit  enables  him  to  throw  the  weight 
of  his  influence  on  either  side  as  his  interest  may  be  ; 
the  command  of  his  superiors,  and  the  alleged  good 
of  the  church,  (that  is  the  power  of  the  priesthood,) 
being  paramount  to  all  other  considerations. 

This  pliability  of  conscience,  so  advantageous  in 
building  up  any  system  of  oppression,  religious  or 
political,  presents  us  with  strangely  contradictory 
alliances.  In  Europe  Popery  supports  the  most 
high-handed  despotism,  lends  its  thunders  to  awe  the 
people  into  the  most  abject  obedience,  and  maintains 
at  the  top  of  its  creed,  the  indissoluble  union  of 
church  and  state  !  while  in  this  country,  where  it  is 
yet  feeling  its  way,  (oh !  how  consistent !)  it  has 
allied  itself  with  the  democracy  of  the  land,  it  is  loud- 
est  in  its  denunciations  of  tyranny,  the  tyranny  of 
American  patriots !  it  js  first  to  scent  out  oppres 
sion.  !M»oa  afar  off  thn  machinations  of  the  native 


IMMIGRATION  AND  NATURALIZATION  LAWS.  57 

American  Protestants  to  unite  church  and  state  !  and 
puts  itself  forth  the  most  zealous  guardian  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty !  With  such  sentinels,  surely 
our  liberties  are  safe,  with  such  guardians  of  our 
rights,  we  may  sleep  on  in  peace  ! 

Another  weak  point  in  our  system  is  our  laws 
encouraging  immigration,  and  affording  facilities  to 
naturalization.*  In  the  early  state  of  the  country 
liberality  in  these  points  was  thought  to  be  of  ad 
vantage,  as  it  promoted  the  cultivation  of  our  wild 
lands,  but  the  dangers  which  now  threaten  our  free 
institutions  from  this  source  more  than  balance  all 
advantages  of  this  character.  The  great  body  of 
emigrants  to  this  country  are  the  hard-working  men 
tally  neglected  poor  of  Catholic  countries  in  Europe, 
who  have  left  a  land  where  they  were  enslaved,  for 
one  of  freedom.  However  well  disposed  they  may 
be  to  the  country  which  protects  them,  and  adopts 
them  as  citizens,  they  are  not  fitted  to  act  with 
judgment  in  the  political  affairs  of  their  new  coun 
try,  like  native  citizens  educated  from  their  infancy 
in  the  principles  and  habits  of  our  institutions.  Most 
of  them  are  too  ignorant  to  act  at  all  for  themselves, 
and  expect  to  be  guided  wholly  by  others.  These 
others  are  of  course  their  priests.  Priests  have 
ruled  them  at  home  by  divine  right ;  their  igno- 
See  note  F. 


58  DANGER  FROM  IGNORANT  EMIGRANTS. 

rant  minds  cannot  ordinarily  be  emancipated  from 
their  habitual  subjection,  they  will  not  learn  nor  ap 
preciate  their  exemption  from  any  such  usurpation 
of  priestly  power  in  this  country,  and  they  are  im 
plicitly  at  the  beck  of  their  spiritual  guides.  They 
live  surrounded  by  freedom,  yet  liberty  of  con- 
A^ science,  right  of  private  judgment,  whether  in  reli 
gion  or  politics,  are  as  effectually  excluded  by  the 
priests,  as  if  the  code  of  Austria  already  ruled  the 
land.  They  form  a  body  of  men  whose  habits  of 
action,  (for  I  cannot  say  thought,}  are  opposed  to 
the  principles  of  our  free  institutions,  for  they  are 
not  accessible  to  the  reasonings  of  the  press,  they 
cannot  and  do  not  think  for  themselves. 

Every  unlettered  Catholic  emigrant,  therefore, 
that  comes  into  the  country,  is  adding  to  a  mass  of 
ignorance  which  it  will  be  difficult  to  reach  by  any 
liberal  instruction,  and  however  honest,  (and  I  have 
no  doubt  most  of  them  are  so,)  yet  from  the  nature 
of  things  they  are  but  obedient  instruments  in  the 
hands  of  their  more  knowing  leaders  to  accomplish 
the  designs  of  their  foreign  masters.  Republican 
education,  were  it  allowed  freely  to  come  in  contact 
with  their  minds,  would  doubtless  soon  furnish  a 
remedy  for  an  evil  for  which,  in  the  existing  state  of 
things,  we  have  no  cure.  It  is  but  to  continue  for  a 
few  years  the  sort  of  immigration  that  is  now  .daily 


THEIR  REQUITAL  OF  OUR  HOSPITALITY.  59 

pouring  in  its  thousands  from  Europe,  and  our  insti 
tutions,  for  aught  that  I  can  see,  are  at  the  mercy  of 
a  body  of  foreigners,  officered  by  foreigners,  and 
held  completely  under  the  control  of  a  foreign 
power.  We  may  then  have  reason  to  say,  that  we 
are  the  dupes  of  our  own  hospitality ;  we  have  shel 
tered  in  our  well  provided  house  a  needy  body  of 
strangers,  who,  well  filled  with  our  cheer,  are  en 
couraged  by  the  unaccustomed  familiarity  with 
which  they  are  treated,  first  to  upset  the  regula 
tions  of  the  houshold,  and  then  to  turn  their  host  and 
his  family  out  of  doors. 


CH  APTE  R   VI. 

The  evil  from  immigration  further  considered— Its  political 
bearings— The  influence  of  emigrants  at  the  elections— This 
influence  concentrated  in  the  priests- -The  priests  must  be 
propitiated— By  what  means— This  influence  easily  pur 
chased  by  the  demagogue — The  unprincipled  character  of 
many  of  our  politicians  favor  this  foreign  attack— Their  bar 
gain  for  the  suffrages  of  this  priest-led  band — A  church  and 
state  party— The  Protestant  sects  obnoxious  to  no  such 
bargaining— The  newspaper  press  favors  this  foreign  attack 
— From  its  want  of  independence  and  its  timidity — An  anti- 
republican  fondness  for  titles  favors  this  foreign  attack — 
Cautious  attempts  of  Popery  to  dignify  its  emissaries  and  to 
accustom  us  to  their  high-sounding  titles— A  mistaken 
notion  on  the  subject  of  discussing  religious  opinion  in  the 
secular  journals  favors  this  foreign  attack — Political  designs 
not  to  be  shielded  from  attack  because  cloaked  by  religion. 

I  WILL  continue  the  consideration  of  some  of  the 
points  in  our  political  system,  of  which  the  foreign 
conspirators  take  advantage  in  their  attacks  on  our 
liberties.  We  have  seen  that  from  the  nature  of  the 
case  the  emigrant  Catholics  generally  are  shame 
fully  illiterate,  and  without  opinions  of  their  own. 
They  are  and  must  be  under  the  direction  of  their 
priests.  The  press,  with  its  arguments  for  or 
against  any  political  measure,  can  have  no  effect  on 
6 


62  EMIGRANTS    CONTROLLED   BY   PBIESTS. 

minds  taught  only  to  think  as  the  priest  thinks,  and 
to  do  what  the  priest  commands.  Here  is  a  large 
body  of  ignorant  men  brought  into  our  community, 
who  are  unapproachable  by  any  of  the  ordinary 
means  of  enlightening  the  people — a  body  of  men 
who  servilely  obey  a  set  of  priests  imported  from 
abroad,  bound  to  the  country  by  none  of  the  usual 
ties,  owing  allegiance  and  service  to  a  foreign  gov 
ernment,  depending  on  that  government  for  promo- 
tion  and  reward,  and  this  reward  too  depends  on  the 
manner  in  which  they  discharge  the  duties  pre 
scribed  to  them  by  their  foreign  master ;  which  is, 
doubtless  for  the  present,  to  confine  themselves  sim 
ply  and  wholly  to  increasing  the  number  of  their 
sect  and  the  influence  of  the  Pope  in  this  country. 
It  is  men  thus  officered  and  of  such  a  character,  that 
we  have  placed  in  all  respects  on  a  level  at  our 
elections  with  the  same  number  of  native  patriotic 
and  intelligent  citizens. 

The  Jesuits  are  fully  aware  of  the  advantage 
they  derive  from  this  circumstance.  They  know 
that  a  body  of  men  admitted  to  citizenship,  un 
learned  in  the  true  nature  of  American  liberty,  ex 
ercising  the  elective  franchise,  totally  uninfluenced 
by  the  ordinary  methods  of  reasoning,  but  passively 
obedient  only  to  the  commands  of  their  priests,  must 
give  those  priests  great  consequence  in  the  eyes  of 


HOW   PHIESTS   ARE    PROPITIATED.  63 

the  leaders  of  political  parties ;  they  know  that 
these  leaders  must  esteem  it  very  important  that  the 
priests  be  propitiated.  And  how  is  a  Catholic 
priest  to  be  propitiated?  How,  but  by  stipulating 
for  that  which  will  increase  his  power  or  the  power 
of  the  church,  for  be  it  always  borne  in  mind,  that 
they  are  identical.  The  Roman  church  is  the  body 
of  priests  and  prelates ;  the  laity  have  only  to  obey 
and  to  pay,  not  to  exercise  authority.  The  priest 
must  be  favored  in  his  plans  of  destroying  Protest 
antism,  and  building  up  Popery.  He  must  have 
money  from  the  public  treasury  to  endow  Catholic 
institutions  ;  he  must  be  allowed  to  have  charters 
for  these  institutions  which  will  confer  extraordinary 
powers  upon  their  Jesuit  trustees  ;*  he  must  be  per 
mitted  quietly  to  break  down  the  Protestant  Sabbath, 
by  encouraging  Catholics  to  buy  and  sell  on  that 
day  as  on  other  days  ;  in  one  word,  he  must  have  all 
the  powers  and  privileges  which  the  law  or  the  offi 
cers  appointed  to  administer  the  law  can  conven 
iently  bestow  upon  him.  The  demagogue  or  the 
party  who  will  promise  to  do  most  for  the  accom 
plishment  of  these  objects,  will  secure  all  the  votes 
which  he  controls.  Surely  there  is  great  danger 
to  our  present  institutions  from  this  source,  and  men 
as  skilfu-1  as  are  the  Jesuits  we  may  be  sure  will 
*  See  note  G.. 


64  UNPRINCIPLED  CHARACTER  OF  POLITICIANS. 

not  fail  to  use  the  power  thus  thrown  into  their 
hands  to  work  great  mischief  to  the  republic. 

The  recklessness  and  unprincipled  character  of 
too  many  of  our  politicians  give  a  great  advantage 
to  these  conspirators.  There  is  a  set  of  men  in  the 
country  who  will  have  power  and  office,  cost  what 
they  may ;  men  who,  without  a  particle  of  true  pa- 
triotism,  will  yet  ring  the  changes  on  the  glory  and 
honor  of  their  country,  talk  loud  of  liberty,  flatter 
the  lowest  prejudices,  and  fawn  upon  the  powerful 
and  the  influential ;  men  who  study  politics  only,  that 
they  may  balance  the  chances  of  their  own  success 
in  falling  in  with,  or  opposing,  this  or  that  fluctua 
ting  interest,  without  caring  whether  that  interest 
tends  to  the  security  or  the  downfall  of  their  coun 
try's  institutions.  To  such  politicians  a  body  of  men 
thus  drilled  by  priests,  presents  a  well  fitted  tool. 
The  bargain  with  the  priest  will  be  easily  struck. 
"  Give  me  office,  and  I  will  take  care  of  the  interests 
of  your  church."  The  effect  of  the  bargain  upon 
the  great  moral  or  political  interests  of  the  country, 
will  not  for  a  moment  influence  the  calculation. 
Thus  we  have  among  us  a  body  of  men,  a  religious 
sect,  who  can  exercise  a  direct  controlling  influence 
in  the  politics  of  the  country,  and  can  be  moved  to 
gether  in  a  solid  phalanx  ;  we  have  a  church  inter 
fering  directly  and  most  powerfully  in  the  affairs  of 


OtTB   PREHS   NdT  INDEPENDENT.  65 

state.  There  is  not  in  the  whole  country  a  paral 
lel  to  this  among  the  other  sects.  What  clergymen 
of  the  Methodists,  or  Baptists,  or  Episcopalians,  or 
of  any  other  denomination,  could  command  the  votes 
of  the  members  of  their  several  congregations  in  the 
election  of  an  individual  to  political  office  ?  The  very 
idea  of  such  power  is  preposterous  to  a  Protestant. 
No  freeman,  no  man  accustomed  to  judge  for  himself, 
would  submit  even  to  be  advised,  unasked,  by  his 
minister  in  a  matter  of  this  kind,  much  less  dictated  to. 
Connected  with  these  evils,  and  assisting  to  in 
crease  them,  we  have  a  Press,  to  an  alarming  ex 
tent,  wanting  in  independence.  Most  of  our  jour 
nals  are  avowedly  attached  to  a  particular  party,  or 
to  particular  individuals,  they  are  like  council  re 
tained  for  a  particular  cause  ;  they  are  to  say  every 
thing  that  makes  in  favor  of  their  client,  and  conceal 
every  thing  that  makes  against  him.  Does  a  ques 
tion  of  principle  arise,  of  fundamental  importance  to 
the  country  ? — the  inquiry  with  a  journal  thus  pledged 
is  not,  how  are  our  free  institutions,  how  is  the  coun 
try  affected  by  the  decision,  but  how  will  the  deci 
sion  affect  the  interests  of  our  particular  party  or 
favorite  ?  How  few  are  there  among  our  newspaper 
editors  who  dare  to  take  a  manly  stand  for  or  against 
a  principle  that  affects  vitally  the  constitution,  if  it 
is  found  to  bear  unfavorably  upon  their  party  or 


66  ANTJ-RKPfiailCAX    FONDNESS   -FOR    T1TI.K8. 

their  candidate  ?  A  press  thus;  wanting  in  magna 
nimity  and  independence  is  the  fit  instrument  for  ad 
vancing  the  purposes  of  unprincipled  men  ;  and  edi 
tors  of  this  stamp,  and  they  are  confined  to  no  par 
ticular  party,  whether  they  have  followed  out  their 
conduet  or  not  to  its  legitimate  results  can  easily  he 
made  the  tools  of  a  despot  to  subvert  the  liberties 
of  their  country. 

Again  we  have,  still  unsubdued,  some  weaknesses- 
(perhaps:thcy  belong  to  human  nature,)  of  which  ad 
vantage  may  be  taken,  to  the  injury  of  our  republi 
can  character,  and  in  aid  of  despotism,  and  whicli? 
may  seem  to  some  too  trivial  to  merit  notice  in  con- 
neetion  with  the  more  serious  matters  just  consi 
dered'.  One  of  these  weaknesses  is  an  anti-repub 
lican  fondness  for  titles  /*  and  whoever  has  lived 
in  the  old  world,  and  knows  the  extraordinary 
and  powerful  influence  which  mere  titles  of  honor 
exercise  over  the  minds  of  men,  and  their  tendency 
to  keep  in  due  subjection  the  artificial  ranks  into 
which  despotic  and  aristocratic-  power  divide  the- 
people,  subduing  the  lower  orders  to  their  lords  and 
masters,  will  not  think  it  amiss  in  this  place  to  draw 
attention  to  the  subject.  Republicans  as  we  are, 
I  fear  we  are  influenced,  in  a  greater  degree  than  we 
are  aware,  by  the  high  sounding  epithets  with  which 
despotism  and  aristocracy  surround  their  officers,  to 
*Sec  Note  H. 


INFLUENCE   OF   TITLES.  67 

awe  into  reverence  the  ignorant  multitude.  A  name 
having  half  a  dozen  titles  for  its  avant  couriers,  and 
as  many  for  its  rear  guard,  swells  into  an  importance, 
even  in  the  estimation  of  our  citizens,  which  the 
name  alone,  and  especially  the  individual  himself, 
could  never  assume.  Let  Mr.  Brown,  or  Mr.  Smith, 
or  any  other  intelligent,  upright,  active  citizen,  be 
elected  president  of  a  benevolent  society,  does  he 
excite  the  gaze  of  those  who  meet  him,  or  inspire 
•awe  in  the  multitude  ?  No  one  regards  him  but  as 
a  respectable,  useful  member  of  the  community.  But 
let  us  learn  that  a  gentleman,  not  half  as  intelligent, 
or  upright,  or  active,  is  to  land  in  our  city  who  is 
announced  as  the  "  Most  Illustrious  Archduke  and 
Eminence  his  Imperial  Highness  the  Cardinal  and 
Archbishop  of  Olmutz,  RODOLFH,  (this  last  is  the 
gentleman's  real  name)  Highest  Curator  of  the  Leo 
pold  Foundation"  and  although  not  half  as  capable 
in  any  respect  as  Mr.  Brown,  or  Mr.  Smith,  or  ten 
thousand  other  honest,  untitled  citizens  among  us,  I 
very  much  fear  that  the  Battery  would  be  thronged, 
and  the  windows  in  Broadway  would  be  in  demand, 
-and  the  streets  filled  with  a  gaping  crowd  to  see  a 
man  who  could  have  such  a  mighty  retinue  of  glit 
tering  epithets  about  him.  Yet  this  title-blazoned 
gentleman  holds  the  same  office  as  Mr.  Brown  or 


68  TITLES   A  GLOSS   TO  CHABACTER. 

Mr.  Smith.  Poor  human  nature  !  Alas,  for  its  weak- 
ness  ?* 

Who  is  not  struck  with  the  difference  of  effect 
upon  the  imagination,  when  we  describe  a  person 

.thus  :  4l  Mr. ,  a  good-hearted  old  gentleman, 

rather  weak  in  the  head,  who  finds  in  the  manufac 
ture  of  sealing-wax  one  of  the  chief  and  most  agree- 
able  employments  of  his  time,"  and  when  we  should 
describe  a  man  thus  :  "  His  Imperial  Majesty  FRAN 
CIS  I.,  Emperor  of  Austria,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
Hungary,  Bohemia,  of  Lombardy  and  Venice,  Dal- 
matia,  Croatia,  Sclavonia,  Galizia,  and  Lodomiria, 
Archduke  of  Austria,  Duke  of  Lorena,  Salsburg, 
Styria,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola,  Grand  Prince  of 
Transylvania,  Margrave  of  Moravia,  Count  Prince  of 
Hapslurg,  and  Tyrol,"  &c.  &c. — and  yet  these  two 
descriptions  belong  to  one  and  the  same  individual. 

There  used  to  be  a  sound  democratic  feeling  in 
the  country,  which  spurned  such  glosses  of  charac 
ter  and  frowned  out  of  use  mere  glory-giving  title. 
Austria,  however,  is  gradually  (as  fast  as  it  is 
thought  safe)  introducing  these  titled  gentlemen  into 
the  country.  Bishop  Fenwick,  a  Catholic  priest, 

*  There  is  reason  to  believe  we  are  reforming  in  this  parti 
cular,  for  we  have  now  titled  foreigners,  respectable  men, 
travellers  in  the  country,  and  our  press  no  longer  lends  itself 
xo  announce  their  unimportant  presence  or  movements. 


POPERY    CAUTIOUSLY   INTRODUCING    TH£M.  69 

is  "  his  Grace  of  Cincinnati"  Mr.  Vicar-General 
Rese,  another  priest,  is  only  "  his  Reverence"  and 
Bishop  Flaget,  and  all  the  other  Bishops,  are  simple 
Monseigneurs,  this  title  in  a  foreign  language  being 
less  harsh  at  present  to  republican  ears  than  its 
plump,  aristocratic  English  translation,  "  My  Lord 
Bishop  of  New- York"  "  My  Lord  Bishop  of  Bos 
ton,"  " My  Lord  Bishop  of  Charleston"  &c.  &c. 
&c.  As  we  improve,  however,  under  Catholic  in 
struction,  we  may  come  to  be  quite  reconciled  even 
to  his  Eminence  Cardinal,  so  and  so,  and  to  all  the 
other  graduated  fooleries,  which  are  so  well  adapted 
to  dazzle  the  ignorant.  The  scarlet  carriage  of  a 
Cardinal,  too,  bedizzened  with  gold,  and  containing 
the  sacred  person  of  some  Jesuit,  all  scarlet  and  hu 
mility,  as  is  at  this  day  often  seen  in  Rome,  may  yet 
excite  bur  admiration  as  it  rolls  through  our  streets, 
and  even  a  Pope,  (for  in  these  republican  times  in 
Italy,  who  knows  but  his  Holiness  may  have  leave  of 
absence,)  yes,  even  a  Pope,  a  Vicegerent  of  God, 
the  great  divinely  appointed  appointer  of  Rulers,  the 
very  centre  from  which  all  titles  emanate,  may  possi 
bly  in  his  scarlet  and  gold  and  jewel-decked  equipage, 
astonish  our  eyes,  and  prostrate  us  on  our  knees  as 
he  moves  down  Broadway.  To  be  sure  some  of 
his  republican  friends,  now  in  strange  holy  alliance 
with  his  faithful  subjects  here,  might  find  their  Pro- 


70  THE   POLITICAL,   NOT  RELIGIOUS 

testant  knees  at  first  a  little  stiff,  yet  the  Catholic 
schools  which  they  are  encouraging  with  their  votes 
and  their  money  and  their  influence,  will  soon  fur 
nish  them  good  instructors  in  the  art  of  reverential 
gesture,  and  genuflexion. 

Again,  there  are  some  minds  of  a  peculiarly  sen 
sitive  cast,  that  cannot  bear  to  have  the  subject  of 
religious  opinion  mooted  in  any  way  in  the  secular 
journals.  They  use  a  plausible  argument  that 
satisfies  them,  namely,  that  religion  is  too  sacred  a 
subject  to  be  discussed  by  the  daily  press.  I  agree 
to  a  certain  extent,  and  in  a  modified  sense,  with 
this  sentiment,  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  all 
is  not  religion  which  passes  under  that  name.  The 
public  safety  makes  it  necessary  sometimes  to  strip 
off  the  disguise,  and  show  the  true  character  of  a 
design  which  may  have  assumed  the  sacred  cloak, 
the  better  to  pass  unchallenged  by  just  such  feeble 
hearted  objectors.  Were  such  objections  valid,  how 
easy  would  it  be  for  the  most  dangerous  political 
designs,  (as  in  the  case  we  are  considering,)  to  as 
sume  a  religious  garb,  and  so  escape  detection.  The 
exposure  I  am  now  making  of  the  foreign  designs 
.upon  our  liberties,  may  possibly  be  mistaken  for  an 
attack  on  the  Religion  of  the  Catholics,  yet  I  have 
;not  meddled  with  the  conscience  of  any  Catholic  ; 
if  he  honestly  believes  the  doctrine  of  Transubstan- 


CHARACTER    OF  POPERY   HERE    DISCUSSED.  71 

tiation,  or  that  by  doing  penance  he  will  prepare 
himself  for  heaven,  or  in  the  existence  of  Purgatory, 
or  in  the  efficacy  of  the  prayers  and  masses  of  priests, 
to  free  the  souls  of  his  relatives  from  its  flames,  or 
that  it  is  right  to  worship  the  Virgin  Mary,  or  to 
pray  to  Saints  or  keep  holy  days,  or  to  refrain  from 
meat  at  certain  times,  or  to  go  on  pilgrimages,  or  in 
the  virtue  of  relics,  or  that  none  but  Catholics  can  be 
saved,  or  many  other  points  ;  however  wrong  I 
may  and  do  think  him  to  be,  it  is  foreign  from  the 
design  of  these  chapters,  to  speak  against  them.. 
But  when  he  proclaims  to  the  world  that  all  power 
temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  exists  in  the  Pope, 
(denying  of  course  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  re 
publicanism  ;)  that  liberty  of  conscience  is  a  "  raving," 
and  "  most  pestilential  error,"  that  "  he  execrates  and 
detests  the  liberty  of  the  press;"  when  his  intolerant 
creed  asserts  that  no  faith  is  to  be  kept  with  heretics, 
(all  being  heretics  in  the  creed  of  a  Catholic  who 
are  not  Catholics,)  and  many  other  palpable  anti- 
republican  as  well  as  immoral  doctrines,  he  has  then 
blended  with  his  creed  political  tenets  that  vitally 
affect  the  very  existence  of  our  government,  and  no 
association  with  religious  belief  shall  shield  them 
from  observation  and  rebuke.  It  would  indeed  be 
singular  if  these  mere  "  ravings"  (the  Pope's  phrase 
is  appropriate  here,)  subversive  of  the  fundamental 


72  NOT    T0    BE  SHIELDED    BY  A    RELIGIOUS  CLOAK. 

principles  of  our  government,  should  be  shielded  from 
exposure  because  misnamed  religion.  If  incendia 
ries  or  robbers  should  ensconce  themselves  within 
a  church,  from  the  windows  and  towers  of  which 
they  were  assailing  the  people,  the  cry  of  sacrilege 
shall  not  prevent  us  from  attempts  to  dislodge  them, 
though  the  walls  which  protect  them  should  suffer 
in  the  conflict. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

The  political  character  of  this  ostensibly  religious  enterprise 
proved  from  the  letters  of  the  Jesuits  now  in  this  country — 
Their  antipathy  to  private  judgment— Their  anticipations 
of  a  change  of  our  form  of  government — Our  government 
declared  top  free  for  the  exercise  of  their  divine  rights — 
Their  political  partialities — Their  cold  acknowledgment  ot 
the  generosity,  and  liberality,  and  hospitality  of  our  govern 
ment — Their  estimate  of  pur  condition  contrasted  with  their 
estimate  of  that  of  Austria — Their  acknowledged  allegiance 
and  servility  to  a  foreign  master — Their  sympathies  with 
the  oppressor,  and  not  with  the  oppressed — Their  direct 
avowal  of  political  intention. 

LET  me  next  show  the  political  character  of  this 
ostensibly  religious  effort,  from  the  sentiments  of  the 
Austrian  emissaries  expressed  to  their  foreign  pa 
trons.  The  very  nature  of  a  conspiracy  of  this 
kind  precludes  the  possibility  of  much  direct  evi 
dence  of  political  design ;  for  Jesuit  cunning  and 
Austrian  duplicity  would  be  sure  to  tread  with  un 
usual  caution  on  American  ground.  Yet  if.  I  can 
quote  from  their  correspondence  some  expressions 
of  antipathy  to  our  free  principles,  and  to  the  govern 
ment  ;  some  hinting  at  the  subversion  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  prevailing  partialities  for  arbitrary  govern- 
7 


74  PROOFS  OF  POLITICAL  DESIGN 

ment ;  and  siding  with  tyranny  against  the  oppressed  • 
and  some  acknowledgments  of  POLITICAL  EFFECTS  to 
be  expected  from  the  operations  of  the  society,  I  shall 
have  exhibited  evidence  enough  to  put  every  citizen 
who  values  his  birthright,  upon  the  strict  watch  of 
these  men  and  their  adherents,  and  to  show  the  im 
portance  of  some  measures  of  repelling  this  insidi 
ous  invasion  of  the  country. 

The  Bishop  of  Baltimore  writing  to  the  Austri 
an  Society,  laments  the  wretched  state  of  the  Cath 
olic  religion  in  Virginia,  and  as  a  proof  of  the  diffi 
culty  it  has  to  contend  with,  (a  proof  doubtless 
shocking  to  the  pious  docility  of  his  Austrian  read 
ers,)  he  says  : 

"  I  sent  to  Richmond  a  zealous  missionary,  a  na 
tive  of  America.  He  travelled  through  the  whole 
of  Virginia.  The  Protestants  flocked  on  all  sides 
to  hear  him,  they  offered  him  their  churches,  court 
houses,  and  other  public  buildings,  to  preach  in, 
which  however  is  not  at  all  surprising,  for  the  peo 
ple  are  divided  into  numerous  sects,  and  know  not 
what  faith  to  embrace.  In  consequence  of  being 
spoiled  by  bad  instruction,  they  will  judge  every 
thing  themselves;  they,  therefore,  hear  eagerly  every 
new  comer,"  &c. 

The  Bishop,  if  he  had  the  power,  would  of  course 
change  this  "  lad  instruction  "  for  better,  and,  as  in 


FROM   THE   LETTEBS    OF   THE    JESUITS.  75 

Catholic  countries,  would  relieve  them  from  the 
trouble  of  judging  for  themselves.  Thus  the  liberty 
of  private  judgment  and  freedom  of  opinion,  guar 
anteed  by  our  institutions,  are  avowedly  an  obstacle 
to  the  success  of  the  Catholics.  Is  it  not  natural 
that  Catholics  should  desire  to  remove  this  obstacle 
out  of  their  way  ?* 

My  Lord  Bishop  Flaget,  of  Bardstown,  Ken 
tucky,  in  a  letter  to  his  patrons  abroad,  has  this 
plain  hint  at  an  ulterior  political  design,  and  that  no 
less  that  the  entire  subversion  of  our  republican 
government.  Speaking  of  the  difficulties  and  dis 
couragements  the  Catholic  missionaries  have  to  con 
tend  with  in  converting  the  Indians,  the  last  diffiulty 
in  the  way  he  says,  is  "  their  continual  traffic  among 
the  whites,  WHICH  CANNOT  BE  HINDERED  AS  LONG 

AS  THE    REPUBLICAN    GOVERNMENT    SHALL    SUBSIST  !" 


*  A  Catholic  journal  of  this  city,  (the  Register  and  Diary,) 
was  put  into  my  hands  as  I  had  completed  this  last  para 
graph.  It  contains  the  same  sentiment,  so  illustrative  of  the 
natural  abhorrence  of  Catholics  to  the  exercise  of  private 
judgment,  that  I  cannot  forbear  quoting  it. 

"  We  seriously  advise  Catholic  parents  to  be  very  cautious 
in  the  choice  of  school-books  for  their  children.  There  is  more 
danger  to  be  apprehended  in  this  quarter,  than  could  be  con 
ceived.  Parents,  we  are  aware,  have  not  always  the  time  or 
patience  to  examine  these  matters :  but  if  they  trust  implicit 
ly  to  us,  we  shall,  with  God's  help,  do  it  for  them.  Legimus 
ne  legantur."  We  read,  that  they  may  not  read ! ! 

How  kind !  they  will  save  parents  all  the  trouble  of  judg 
ing  for  themselves,  but  "we  must  be  trusted  implicitly!" 
Would  a  Protestant  journal  thus  dare  to  take  liberties  with  its 
readers  ? 


76  PROOFS   CONTINUED. 

What  is  this  but  saying,  that  a  republican  govern 
ment  is  unfavorable  in  its  nature  to  the  restrictions 
we  deem  necessary  to  the  extension  of  the  Catholic 
religion  ;  when  the  time  shall  come  that  the  present 
government  shall  be  subverted,  which  we  are  look 
ing  forward  to,  or  hope  for,  we  can  then  hinder 
this  traffic  ? 

Mr.  Baraga,  the  German  missionary  in  Michi 
gan,  seems  impressed  with  the  same  conviction  of 
the  unhappy  influence  of  a  free  government  upon 
his  attempts  to  make  converts  to  the  church  of 
Rome.  In  giving  an  account  of  the  refusal  of  some 
persons  to  have  their  children  baptized,  he  lays  the 
fault  on  this, "  TOO  FREE  (alhufreieri)  GOVERNMENT." 
In  a  more  despotic  government,  in  Italy  or  Austria, 
he  would  have  been  able  to  put  in  force  compulsory 
baptism  on  these  children.* 

These  few  extracts  are  quite  sufficient  to  show 
how  our  form  of  government,  which  gives  to  the 
Catholics  all  the  freedom  and  facilities  that  other 
sects  enjoy,  does  from  its  very  nature  embarrass 
their  despotic  plans.  Accustomed  to  dictate  at 
home,  how  annoying  it  is  to  these  Austrian  eccle 
siastics  to  be  obliged  to  put  off  their  authority,  to 
yield  their  divine  right  of  judging  for  others,  to  be 
compelled  to  get  at  men  through  their  reason  and 

*  See  note  I. 


POLITICAL    PARTIALITIES   OF  THE  JESUITS.'  77 

conscience,  instead  of  the  more  summary  way  of 
compulsion  !  The  disposition  to  use  force  if  they 
could,  shows  itself  in  spite  of  all  their  caution. 
The  inclination  is  there.  It  is  reined  in  by  circum 
stances.  They  want  only  strength  to  act  out  the 
inherent  despotism  of  Popery. 

But  let  me  show  what  are  some  of  the  political 
partialities  which  these  foreign  emissaries  discover 
in  their  letters  and  statements  to  their  Austrian  sup 
porters.  They  acknowledge  their  unsuspicious  re 
ception  by  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  they 
acknowledge  that  Protestants  in  all  parts  of  the 
country  have  even  aided  them  with  money  to  build 
their  chapels  and  colleges  and  nunneries,  and  treat 
ed  them  with  liberality  and  hospitality,  and — strange 
infatuation ! ! — have  been  so  monstrously  foolish  as 
to  intrust  their  children  to  them  to  be  educated ! 
so  infatuated  as  to  confide  in  their  honor  and  in  their 
promises  that  they  would  use  no  attempts  to  prose 
lyte  them  !  And  with  all  this,  does  it  not  once  oc 
cur  to  these  gentleman,  that  this  liberality,  and  gen 
erosity  and  openness  of  character  are  the  fruits  of 
Protestant  republicanism  ?  Might  we  not  expect  at 
least  that  Popery,  were  it  republican  in  its  nature, 
would  find  something  in  all  this  that  would  excite 
admiration,  and  call  forth  some  praise  of  a  system 
-so  contrasted  to  that  of  any  other  government; 
7* 


78  THEIR  ABUSE    OF  THIS   COUNTRY. 

some  acknowledgments  to  the  government  of  the 
country  that  protects  it,  and  allows  its  emissaries  the 
unparalleled  liberty  even  to  plot  the  downfall  of  the 
state  1  But  no,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  is  not  once  mentioned  in  praise.  The  very 
principle  of  the  government,  through  which  they  are 
tolerated,  is  thus  slightingly  noticed  :  "  The  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  has  thought  Jit  to  adopt 
a  complete  indifference  toward  all  religions."*  They 
can  recognize  no  nobler  principle  than  indiffer 
ence. 

Again,  of  the  people  of  our  country  they  thus 
write  :  "  We  intreat  all  European  Christians  to  unite 
in  prayer  to  God  for  the  conversion  of  these  unhap 
py  heathen,  and  obstinate  heretics."  We  are  spoken 
of  as  a  country  "  on  which  the  light  of  faith  has 
hitherto  not  shined"  "  A  vast  country,  destitute  of 
all  spiritual  and  temporal  resources"  But  if  Aus 
tria  is  mentioned,  what  are  the  terms  ?  "  Your  So 
ciety,  (the  Leopold  Foundation)  which  is  an  orna 
ment  to  the  illustrious  Austrian  Empire" — "  the 
noble  and  generous  inhabitants  of  the  Austrian  em 
pire."  "  Of  many  circumstances  in  our  condition, 
few  perhaps  in  your  happy  empire  can  form  a  cor 
rect  notion  ;"  and  again,  "  Here  are  many  churches, 
if  you  may  so  call  the  miserable  wooden  buildings, 
*.Quart.  Regist.  Feb.  1830,  p.  198. 


THEIB   SERVILITY  TO  AUSTRIA.  79 

differing  little  from  the  barns  of  your  happy  land  /" 
Austria,  happy  land  !  !  How  enthusiastic,  too,  is 
another  Bishop,  who  writes,  "  we  cannot  sufficiently 
praise  our  good  Emperor  (of  Austria,)  were  we  to 
extol  him  to  the  third  heaven!"  Such  are  the  polit 
ical ')  partialities  which  are  discovered  in  various 
parts  of  these  documents.  Are  they  in  favor  of 
our  republican  darkness,  and  heathenism,  and  mis- 
ery,  or  of  Austrian  light,  and  piety  and  happiness  ? 
In  the  struggles  of  the  European  people  for  their 
liberty,  do  these  foreign  teachers  sympathize  with  the 
oppressor  or  with  the  oppressed  ?  "  France  no  more 
helps  us,"  (Charles  X.  had  just  been  dethroned,) 
"  and  Rome,  beset  by  enemies  to  the  church  and  pub 
lic  order,  is  not  in  a  condition  to  help  us."  And 
who  are  these  men  stigmatized  as  enemies  of  public 
order  1  They  are  the  Italian  patriots  of  the  Revo. 
lution  of  1831,  than  whom  our  own  country  in  the 
perils  of  its  own  Revolution  did  not  produce  men 
more  courageous,  more  firm,  more  wise,  more 
tolerant,  more  patriotic  ;  men  who  had  freed  their 
country  from  the  bonds  of  despotism  in  a  struggle 
almost  bloodless,  for  the  people  were  with  them ; 
men  who,  in  the  spirit  of  American  patriots,  were 
organizing  a  free  government ;  rectifying  the  abuses 
of  Papal  misrule,  and  who,  in  the  few  weeks  of  their 
power,  had  accomplished  years  of  benefit.  These 


80  OTHER  DESPOTS   INTERESTED  IN  THE    ENTERPRISE. 

are  the  men  afterwards  dragged  to  death,  or  to  pri 
son  by  Austrian  intruders,  and  styled  by  our  Jesuits, 
enemies  of  pullic  order  !  Austria  herself  uses  the 
self-same  terms  to  stigmatize  those  who  resist  op 
pression. 

I  will  notice  one  extract  more,  to  which  I  would 
call  the  special  attention  of  my  readers.  It  is  from 
one  of  the  reports  of  the  society  in  Lyons,  which 
society  had  the  principal  management  of  American 
missions  under  Charles  X.  When  this  bigoted  mon 
arch  was  dethroned,  and  liberal  principles  reigned 
in  France,  the  society  so  languished  that  Austria 
took  the  design  more  completely  into  her  own  hands, 
and  through  the  Leopold  Foundation  she  has  the  en 
terprise  now  under  her  more  immediate  guardian 
ship. 

"  Our  beloved  king  (Charles  X.)  has  given  the 
society  his  protection,  and  has  enrolled  his  name  as 
a  subscriber.  Our  society  has  also  made  rapid 
progress  in  the  neighboring  states  of  Piedmont  and 
Savoy.  The  pious  rulers  of  those  lands,  and  the 
chief  ecclesiastics,  have  given  it  a  friendly  recep 
tion." 

Charles  X.,be  it  noticed,  and  the  despotic  rulers 
of  Piedmont  and  Savoy,  took  a  special  interest  in 
this  American  enterprise.  The  report  goes  on  to 
say— 


POLITICAL  EFFECTS   DIRECTLY  AVOWED  81 

"  Who  can  doubt  that  an  institution  which  has 
a  purely  spiritual  aim,  whose  only  object  is  the  con 
version  of  souls,  desires  nothing  less  than  to  make 
whole  nations,  on  whom  the  light  of  faith  has  hither 
to  not  shined,  partakers  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel ;  an  institution  solemnly  sanctioned  by  the 
supreme  head  of  the  church :  which,  as  we  have 
already  remarked,  enjoys  the  protection  of  our 
pious  monarch,  the  support  of  archbishops  and 
bishops ;  an  institution  established  in  a  city  under 
the  inspection  of  officers,  at  whose  head  stands  the 
great  almoner,  and  which  numbers  among  its  mem 
bers,  men  alike  honorable  for  their  rank  in  church 
and  state ;  an  institution  of  which  his  excellency 
the  minister  of  church  affairs,  lately  said,  in  his 
place  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  that,  independent 
of  its  purely  spiritual  design,  IT  WAS  OF  GREAT  PO 
LITICAL  INTEREST." 

Observe  that  great  pains  are  here  taken  to  im 
press  upon  the  public  mind  the  purely  spiritual  aim, 
the  purely  spiritual  design  of  the  society,  and  yet 
one  of  the  French  ministers,  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  states  directly  that  it  has  another  design, 
and  that  it  was  of  "  GREAT  POLITICAL  INTEREST.  " 
— He  gives  some  of  these  political  objects — "  be 
cause  it  planted  the  French  name  in  distant  coun 
tries,  caused  it,  by  the  mild  influence  of  our  mission- 


82  BY  A    FRENCH   MINISTER. 

aries,  to  be  loved  and  honored,  and  thus  opened  to 
our  trade  and  industry  useful  channels,"  &c.  Now 
if  some  political  effects  are  already  avowed  as  in 
tended  to  be  produced  by  this  society,  and  that  too, 
immediately  after  reiterating  its  purely  spiritual  de 
sign,  why  may  not  that  particular  political  effect  be 
also  intended,  of  far  more  importance  to  the  interests 
of  despotism,  namely,  the  subversion  of  our  Repub 
lican  institutions  ? 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Some  of  the  means  by  which  Jesuits  can  already  operate 
politically  in  the  country — By  mob  discipline — By  priest 
police — Their  great  danger — Already  established — Proofs — 
Priests  already  rule  the  mob — Nothing  in  the  principles  of 
Popery  to  prevent  its  interference  in  our  elections — Popery 
interferes  at  the  present  day  in  the  politics  of  other  countries 
— Popery  the  same  in  our  country— It  interferes  in  our  elec 
tions — In  Michigan — In  Charleston,  S.  C. — In  New-York 
—Popery  a  political  despotism  cloaked  under  the  name  of 
Religion — It  is  Church  and  State  embodied — Its  character 
at  head-quarters!in  Italy — Its  political  character  stripped  of 
its  religious  cloak. 

BUT  some  of  my  readers,  notwithstanding  they 
may  be  convinced  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  des 
potism  to  subvert  our  institutions,  and  are  even  per 
suaded  that  this  grand  enterprise  has  been  actually 
undertaken,  may  be  inclined  to  ask  in  what  manner 
can  the  despots  of  Europe  effect,  by  means  of  Po 
pish  emissaries,  any  thing  in  this  country  to  counter 
act  the  influence  of  our  liberal  institutions?  In 
what  way  can  they  operate  here  ? 

With  the  necessity  existing  of  doing  something 
from  the  instinct  of  self-preservation,  to  check  the 
influence  of  our  free  institutions  on  Europe,  with 
the  funds  provided,  and  agents  on  the  spot  interest 
ed  in  their  plans,  one  would  think  it  needed  but  lit- 


84  COMPOSITION   OF  MOBS, 

tie  sagacity  to  find  modes  and  opportunities  of  ope 
rating,  especially  too,  when  such  vulnerable  points 
as  I  have  exposed,  (and  there  are  many  more  which 
I  have  not  brought  forward,)  invite  attack. 

To  any  such  inquirers,  let  me  say,  there  are 
many  ways  in  which  a  body  organized  as  are  the 
Catholics,  and  moving  in  concert,  might  disturb  (to 
use  the  mildest  term)  the  good  order  of  the  repub 
lic,  and  thus  compel  us  to  present  to  observing  Eu 
rope  the  spectacle  of  republican  anarchy.  Who  is 
not  aware  that  a  great  portion  of  that  stuff  which 
composes  a  mob,  ripe  for  riot  or  excess  of  any 
kind,  and  of  which  we  have  every  week  or  two,  a 
fresh  example  in  some  part  of  the  country,  is  a 
Catholic*  population;  and  what  makes  it  turbulent? 
Ignorance,  an  ignorance  which  it  is  for  the  interest 
of  its  leaders  not  to  enlighten ;  for  enlighten  a  man 
and  he  will  think  for  himself,  and  have  some  self- 
respect  ;  he  will  understand  the  laws  and  know  his 
interest  in  obeying  them.  Keep  him  in  ignorance, 
and  he  is  the  slave  of  the  man  who  will  flatter  his 
passions  and  appetites,  or  awe  him  by  superstitious 
fears.  Against  the  outbreakings  of  such  men,  so 
ciety,  as  it  is  constituted  on  our  free  system,  can  pro 
tect  itself  only  in  one  of  two  ways :  it  must  either 
bring  these  men  under  the  influence  and  control  of 

*  See  note  J. 


PRIEST   POLICE.  85 

a  sound  republican  and  religious  education,  or  it  must 
call  in  the  aid  of  the  priests  who  govern  them,  and 
who  may  permit,  and  direct,  or  restrain  their  turbu 
lence,  in  accordance  with  what  they  may  judge  at 
any  particular  time  to  be  the  interest  of  the  church. 
Yes,  be  it  well  remarked,  the  same  hands  that  can, 
whenever  it  suits  their  interest,  restrain,  can  also,  at 
the  proper  time,  "  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war  "  In  this 
mode  of  restraint  by  a  police  of  priests,  by  substi 
tuting  the  ecclesiastical  for  the  civil  power,the  priest- 
fed  mobs  of  Portugal  and  Spain,  and  South  America, 
are  instructive  examples.  And  start  not,  American 
reader,  this  kind  of  police  is  already  established  in 
our  country  !  We  have  had  mobs  again  and  again, 
which  neither  the  civil  nor  military  power  have 
availed  any  thing  to  quell,  until  the  magic  ' peace, 
be  still '  of  the  Catholic  priest  has  hushed  the  winds, 
and  calmed  the  waves  of  popular  tumult.*  While  I 
write,  what  mean  the  negociations,  between  two 
Irish  bands  of  emigrants,  in  hostile  array  against 
each  other,  shedding  each  other's  blood  upon  our 
soil,  settling  with  the  bayonet  miserable  foreign 
feuds  which  they  have  brought  over  the  waters 
with  them  ?  Why  have  not  the  civil  and  military 

*  At  the  time  this  was  written,  riots  in  this  country  were  al 
most  entirely  confined  to  the  emigrants  from  foreign  countries 
employed  as  laborers  on  our  rail-roads,  canals,  &c. 

8 


86  RECENT   EXEHCISE   OF   ITS 

power  been  able  to  restore  order  among  them,  and 
obedience  to  our  laws,  without  calling  in  the  priests 
to  negociate  and  settle  the  terms  on  which  they  will 
cease  from  violating  our  laws  ?*  Have  the  priests 

*  Aa  our  readers  have  probably  forgotten  the  particulars  of 
the  affair  here  alluded  to.  we  subjoin  from  the  Journal  of  Com 
merce,  a  copy  of  the  agreement  subscribed  by  the  leaders  of 
the  riot.  The  civil  and  military  authorities  of  Maryland  had 
tried  repeatedly,  but  in  vain,  to  quell  the  riot. — Ed.  Obs. 

From  the  Journal  of  Commerce. 

THE  RIOTERS.— It  appears  by  the  following  notice,  that  the 
rioters  on  the  Baltimore  and  Washington  Rail-road  have  con 
cluded  a  treaty  of  peace,  through  the  intervention  of  a  priest. 
There  was  considerable  talk  during  the  late  riots  in  this  city, 
of  calling  in  the  agency  of  the  priests,  to  put  an  end  to  the 
disturbance.  No  doubt  it  would  have  been  effectual. 

AGREEMENT. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  1834,  the  subscribers,  in  the  presence 
of  the  Rev,  John  McElroy,  have  respectively  and  mutually 
agreed  to'  bury  forever,  on  their  own  part,  and  on  behalf  of 
their  respective  sections  of  country,  all  remembrance  of  feuds 
and  animosities,  as  well  as  injuries  sustained.  They  also 
promise  to  each  other,  and  make  a  sincere  tender  of  their  in 
tention  to  preserve  peace,  harmony,  and  good  feeling  between 
persons  of  every  part  of  their  native  country  without  distinc 
tion. 

They  further  mutually  agree  to  exclude  from  their  houses 
and  premises  all  disorderly  persons  of  every  kind,  and  particu 
larly  habitual  drunkards.  They  are  also  resolved,  and  do  in 
tend  to  apply  in  all  cases  where  it  is  necessary,  to  the  civil 
authorities,  or?  to  the  laws  of  the  country  for  redress — and 
finally  they  are  determined  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors  to 
enforce,  by  word  and  example,  these,  their  joint  and  unani 
mous  resolutions. 
Signed  by  fourteen  of  the  men  employed  )  „  u  u  if  r  n 

on  the  4th,  5th,  and  8th  sections  of  the  {  on  behjjlf '°\  a11 

2d  division,  B.  and  W.  R.  R.  $      employed. 

And  also  by  thirteen  of  the  8th  section  of  ?  on  behalf  of  all 

the  1st  division.  $         employed. 


2OPERY   INTEKFEfcES   IN  FO-BKIGN    POLITICS.  87 

become  necessary  in  our  political  system  ?  Have 
the  emissaries  of  a  foreign  despotic  power  stolen 
this  march  upon  us  ?  Can  they  tell  their  foreign 
masters,  "we  already  rule  the  mob?"  Yes,  and 
facts  will  bear  them  out  in  their  boasting.* 

And  what  now  prevents  the  interference  of 
Catholics  as  a  sect  directly  in  the  political  elections 
of  the  country  ?  They  are  organized  under  their 
priests  :  Is  there  any  thing  in  their  religious  princi 
ples  to  restrain  them?  Do  not  Catholics  of  the 
present  day  use  the  bonds  of  religious  union  to  effect 
political  objects  in  other  countries  ?  Did  not  the 
Pope  interfere  in  Poland  in  the  late  revolution,  and 
through  the  priests  command  submission  to  the  ty 
ranny  of  the  Czar.  At  the  moment  I  am  writing, 
are  not  monks  and  priests  leaders  in  the  field  of 
battle  in  Spain  ;  in  Portugal  ?  Is  not  the  Pope  en 
couraging  the  troops  of  Don  Miguel,  and  exciting 
priests  and  people  to  arms  in  a  civil  contest  ?  Has 
Popery  abandoned  its  ever  busy  meddling  in  the 
politics  of  the  countries  where  it  obtains  foothold  ?f 

Will  it  be  said,  that  however  officious  in  the  old 
countries,  yet  here,  by  some  strange  metamorpho 
sis,  Popery  has  changed  its  character,  and  is  modi 
fied  by  our  institutions ;  that  here  it  is  surely  reli 
gious,  seeking  only  the  religious  welfare  of  the 

*  See  note  K,  t  See  note  I,. 


88  POPERY   INTEBFEBES   IN   OUR   POLITICS. 

people,  that  it  does  not  meddle  with  the  state  ?*  It 
is  not  true  that  Popery  meddles  not  with  the  politics 
of  the  country.  The  cloven  foot  has  already  shown 
itself.  Popery  is  organized  at  the  elections  !  For 
example  :  In  Michigan  the  Bishop  Richard,  a  Jesuit} 
(since  deceased,)  was  several  times  chosen  delegate 
to  Congress  from  the  Territory,  the  majority  of  the 
people  being  Catholics.  As  Protestants  became 
more  numerous,  the  contest  between  the  bishop  and 
his  Protestant  rival  was  more  and  more  close,  until 
at  length  by  the  increase  of  Protestant  immigration 
the  latter  triumphed.  The  bishop,  in  order  to  detect 
any  delinquency  in  his  flock  at  the  polls,  had  his 
ticket  printed  on  colored  paper ;  whether  any  were 
so  mutinous  as  not  to  vote  according  to  orders,  or 
what  penance  was'  inflicted  for  disobedience,  I  did 
not  learn.  The  fact  of  such  a  truly  Jesuitical  mode 
of  espionage  I  have  from  a  gentleman  resident  at 
that  time  in  Detroit.  Is  not  a  fact  like  this  of  some 
importance  ?  Does  it  not  show  that  Popery,  with 
all  its  speciousness,  is  the  same  here  as  elsewhere  ; 
it  manifests,  when  it  has  the  opportunity,  its  genuine 
disposition  to  use  spiritual  power  for  the  promotion  of 
its  temporal  ambition.  It  uses  its  ecclesiastical  wea- 
pons  to  control  an  election. 

In  Charleston,  S.  C.,  the  Roman  Catholic  Bishop 
*  See  note  M. 


POPEBY   A   POLITICAL   SYSTEM,    CLOAKED   BY   BE-UOION.       gQ 

England  is  said  to  have  boasted  of  the  number  of 
votes  that  he  could  control  at  an  election.  I  have 
been  informed,  on  authority  which  cannot  be  doubted 
that  in  New-York,  a  priest,  in  a  late  election  for 
city  officers,  stopped  his  congregation  after  mass  on 
Sunday  and  urged  the  electors  not  to  vote  for  a  par 
ticular  candidate,  on  the  ground  of  his  being  an  anti- 
Catholic  ;  the  result  was  the  election  of  the  Catholic 
candidate. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  multiply  facts  of  this  nature 
nor  will  it  be  objected  that  these  instances  are  un 
worthy  of  notice,  because  of  their  local  or  circum 
scribed  character.  Surely  American  Protestants, 
freemen,  have  discernment  enough  to  discover  be 
neath  them  the  cloven  foot  of  this  subtle  foreign 
heresy,  and  will  not  wait  for  a  more  extensive,  dis 
astrous,  and  overwhelming  political  interference, 
ere  they  assume  the  attitude  of  watchfulness  and  de 
fence.  They  will  see  that  Popery  is  now,  what  it 
has  ever  been,  a  system  of  the  darkest  political  in 
trigue  and  despotism,  cloaking  itself  to  avoid  attack 
under  the  sacred  name  of  religion.  They  will  be 
deeply  impressed  with  the  truth,  that  Popery  is  a 
political  as  well  as  a  religious  system  ;  that  in  this 
respect  it  differs  totally  from  all  other  sects,  from  all 
other  forms  of  religion  in  the  country  ?  Popery  em 
bodies  in  itself  THE  CLOSEST  UNION  OF  CHURCH  AND 
8* 


90  ITS    CHARACTEK    AT    HZAD-QUARTERS. 

STATE.  Observe  it  at  the  fountain  head.  In  the 
Roman  States  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  offices  are 
blended  together  in  the  same  individual.  The 
Pope  is  the  King.  A  Cardinal  is  Secretary  of  State. 
The  Consistory  of  Cardinals  is  the  Cabinet  Council, 
the  Ministry,  and  they  are  Viceroys  in  the  provin 
ces.  The  Archbishops  are  Ambassadors  to  foreign 
courts.  The  Bishops  are  Judges  and  Magistrates, 
and  the  road  to  preferment  to  most  if  not  all  the 
great  offices  of  State  is  through  the  priesthood.  In 
Rome  and  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  the  temporal 
and  spiritual  powers  are  so  closely  united  in  the 
same  individual,  that  no  attack  can  be  made  on  any 
temporal  misrule,  without  drawing  down  upon  the 
assailants  the  vengeance  of  the  spiritual  power  ex 
ercised  by  the  same  individual.  Is  the  Judge  cor. 
rupt  or  oppressive ;  and  do  the  people  rise  against 
him,  the  Judge  retires  into  the  Bishop,  and  in 
his  sacred  retreat  cries  "  Touch  not  the  Lord's 
anointed." 

Can  we  not  discern  the  political  character  of  Po 
pery  ?  Shall  the  name  of  Religion,  artfully  con 
nected  with  it,  still  blind  our  eyes  ?  Let  us  suppose 
a  body  of  men  to  combine  together,  and  claim  as 
their  right,  that  all  public  and  private  property,  of 
whatever  kind,  is  held  at  their  disposal;  that  they 
alone  eve, to  judge  of  their  .own  right  to  dispose  of  it ; 


STRIPPED   OF   ITS    RELIGIOUS  CLOAK.  91 

that  they  alone  are  authorized  to  think  or  speak  on  the 
subject ;  that  they  who  speak  or  write  in  opposition  to 
them  are  traitors,  and  must  be  put  to  death ;  that  all 
temporal  power  is  secondary  to  theirs  and  amenable 
to  their  superior  and  infallible  judgment;  and  the 
better  to  hide  the  presumption  of  these  tyrannical 
claims,  suppose  that  these  men  should  pretend  to 
divine  right  and  call  their  system  Religion,  and  so 
claim  the  protection  of  our  laws,  and  pleading  con 
science,  demand  to  be  tolerated.  Would  the  name 
of  Religion  be  a  cloak  sufficiently  thick  to  hide  such 
absurdity,  and  shield  it  from  the  frown  of  public  in 
dignation  ?  Take  then  from  Popery  its  name  of  Re 
ligion,  strip  its  officers  of  their  pompous  titles  of  sa- 
credness,  and  its  decrees  of  the  nauseous  cant  of 
piety,*  and  what  have  you  remaining  ?  Is  it  not  a 
naked,  odious  Despotism,  depending  for  its  strength 
on  the  observance  of  the  strictest  military  discipline 
in  its  ranks,  from  the  Pope,  through  his  Cardinals, 
Archbishops,  Bishops,  &/c.,  down  to  the  lowest 
priest  of  his  dominions  ?  And  is  not  this  despotism 
acting  politically  in  this  country  ? 

Let  us  suppose,  for  the  sake  of  illustration,  that 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  in  a  conceited  dream  of  di- 

*  Through  the  Leopold  foundation  reports  there  is  this  per 
petual  cant  of  piety.  We  have  "pious  prelate,"  "pious  pur 
pose,"  "pious  end,"  "pious  curiosity,"  "pious  dread,"  and 
even  "pious  progress,"  and  "pious  dress." 


<|>*2     ILLUSTBATION   OF  THE    BEUQIOUS   DISGUISE   OF   POPERY. 

vine  right  to  universal  empire,  should  parcel  out  our 
country  into  convenient  districts,  and  should  proclaim 
his  intention  to  exercise  his  rightful  sway  over  these 
States,  now  not  owning  his  control.  Should  we  not 
justly  laugh  at  his  ridiculous  pretensions?  But  sup 
pose  he  should  proceed  to  appoint  his  Viceroys, 
Grand  Imperial  Dukes,  giving  to  one  the  title  of 
"  his  Grace  of  Albany,"  to  another  the  "  Grand  Duke 
of  Washington"  and  to  another  "  his  Imperial  High, 
ness  of  Savannah,"  and  should  send  them  out  to  take 
possession  of  their  districts,  and  subdue  the  people 
as  fast  as  practicable  to  their  proper  obedience  to 
his  legitimate  sway.  And  should  these  pompous 
Viceroys,  with  their  train  of  sub-officers,  actually 
come  over  from  Russia,  and  erect  their  government 
houses,  and  commence  by  compliant  manners  and 
fair  promises  to  procure  lands  and  rentals  to  hold 
in  the  power  of  the  Emperor,  and  under  the  guise 
of  educating  the  rising  generation  should  begin  to 
sap  the  foundations  of  their  attachment  to  this  gov 
ernment,  by  blinding  their  reasoning  faculties,  and 
by  the  Russian  catechism  instilling  the  doctrine 
of  passive  obedience  and  the  divine  right  of  the  Em 
peror,  what  should  we  say  to  all  this  ?  Ridiculous 
as  the  first  conceited  dream  of  imperial  ambition 
appeared,  if  matters  got  to  this  pass,  we  should  begin 
to  think  that  there  was  something  serious  in  the  at- 


ILLUSTRATION   CONTINUED.  93 

tempt,  and  very  properly  too,  be  a  little  alarmed. 
Suppose  then  further  that  the  Emperor's  cause,  by 
Russian  emigration,  and  the  money  supplied  by  the 
Emperor,  had  become  so  strong  that  the  Viceroys 
were  emboldened  in  a  cautious  way,  to  try  their  in- 
fluence  upon  some  of  the  local  elections,  that  the 
Russian  party  had  become  a  body  somewhat  formi 
dable,  that  \isforeign  leaders  had  their  passive  obe 
dience  troops,  so  well  under  command  as  to  make 
themselves  necessary  in  the  police  of  the  country, 
that  we  feared  to  offend  them,  that  the  secular  press 
favored  them  ;*  and  the  unprincipled  courted  them ; 
to  what  point  then,  in  the  process  of  gradually  sur 
rendering  our  liberties  to  the  Russian  Czar,  should 
we  have  come  ;  and  how  near  to  their  accomplish 
ment  would  be  those  wild  dreams  of  imperial  ambi 
tion,  which  we  had  in  the  first  instance  ridiculed  ? 

And  is  this  a  caricature  ?  What  is  the  differ 
ence  between  the  real  claims,  and  efforts,  and  con 
dition  of  Popery  at  this  moment  in  these  United 
States,  and  the  supposed  claims,  and  efforts,  and 
condition  of  the  Russian  despotism?  The  one 
jcomes  disguised  under  the  name  of  Religion,  the 

*  Is  this  a  harsh  judgment  on  the  secular  press?  If  a 
secular  paper  ventures  to  remonstrate  against  Catholics,  is  not 
the  cry  of  intolerance  or  persecution  at  once  raised  and  the 
editor  scared  away  from  his  duty  of  exposing  the  secret  politi- 
,cal  enemies  of  the  republic,  under  the  false  notion  that  he  is 
engaged  in  a  Religious  controversy  1 


f94          THE  POLITICAL  CILABACTER   OP   POPERY   MANIFEST. 

other,  more  honest  and  more  harmless,  would  come 
in  its  real  political  name.  Give  the  latter  the  name 
of  Religion,  call  the  Emperor,  Pope,  and  his  Vice 
roys,  Bishops,  interlard  the  imperial  decrees  with 
pious  cant,  and  you  have  the  ease  of  pretension,  and 
intrigue,  and  success  too  which  has  actually  passed 
in  these  United  States  1  Yes,  the  King  of  Rome, 
acting  by  the  promptings  of  the  Austrian  Cabinet, 
.and  in  the  plentitude  of  his  usurpation,  has  already 
extended  his  sceptre  over  our  land,  he  has  divided 
•us  up  into  provinces,  and  appointed  his  Viceroys 
who  claim  their  jurisdiction,*  from  a  higher  power 
than  exists  in  this  country,  even  from  his  majesty 
himself,  who  appoints  them,  who  removes  them  at 
will,  to  whom  .they  owe  allegiance,  for  the  extension 
of  whose  temporal  kingdom  they  are  exerting  them- 
selves,  and  whose  success  let  it  be  indelibly  im 
pressed  on  your  minds,  is  the  certain  destruction  of 
the  free  institutions  of  our  country. 

*  "Indiana  and  Illinois,  two  states  depending  on  my  juris 
diction.!" — [My  Lord  Bishop  Flaget's  letter.] 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Evidence  enough  of  conspiracy  adduced  to  create  great  alarm* 
—The  cause  of  liberty  universally  demands  that  we  should 
awake  to  a  sense  of  danger— An  attack  is  made  which  is  to- 
try  the  moral  strength  of  the  republic— The  mode  of  defence 
that  might  be  consistently  recommended  by  Austrian  Pope^ 
ry — A  mode  now  in  actual  operation  in  Europe — Contrary 
to  the  entire  spirit  of  American  Protestantism— True  mode 
of  defence — Popery  must  be  opposed  by  antagonist  institu 
tions—Ignorance  must  be  dispelled — Popular  ignorance  of 
all  Papal  countries— Popery  the  natural  enemy  of  general 
education— Popish  efforts  to  spread  education  in  the  United' 
States  delusive. 

Is  not  the  evidence  I  have  exhibited  in  my  pre* 
vious  numbers  sufficiently  strong  to  prove  to  my 
countrymen  the  existence  of  a  foreign  conspiracy 
against  the  liberties  of  the  country  ?  Does  the  na 
ture  of  the  case  admit  of  stronger  evidence?  or 
must  we  wait  for  some  positive,  undisguised  acts  of 
oppression,  before  we  will  believe  that  we  are  at 
tacked  and  in  danger?  Must  we  wait  for  a  formal 
declaration  of  war  ?  The  serpent  has  already  com 
menced  his  coil  about  our  limbs,  and  the  lethargy  of 
his  poison  is  creeping  over  us  ;  shall  we  be  more 
sensible  of  the  torpor  when  it  has  fastened  upon  our 
vitals  ?  The  house  is  on  fire  ;  can  we  not  believe 


96  WE   MUST   WAKE   TO   A    SENSE   OF   DANGER. 

it,  till  the  flames  have  touched  our  flesh  ?  Is  not 
the  enemy  already  organized  in  the  land  ?  Can  we 
not  perceive  all  around  us  the  evidence  of  his  pres 
ence  ?  Have  not  the  wily  manoeuverings  of  des 
potism  already  commenced  ?  Is  he  not  inveigling 
our  children  to  his  schools  ?  Is  he  not  intriguing 
with  the  press?  Is  he  not  usurping  the  police 
of  the  country,  and  showing  his  front  in  our  po 
litical  councils  ?  Because  no  foe  is  on  the  sea,  no 
hostile  armies  on  our  plains,  may  we  sleep  securely  ? 
Shall  we  watch  only  on  the  outer  walls,  while  the 
sappers  and  miners  of  foreign  despots  are  at  work 
under  our  feet,  and  stealthily  advancing  beneath  the 
very  citadel  ?  Where  is  that  unwearying  vigilance 
which  "the  eloquent  Burke  proclaimed  to  be  the 
characteristic  of  our  fathers,  who  did  not  wait  to 
feel  oppression,  but  "  augured  misgovernment  at  a 
distance,  and  snuffed  the  approach  of  tyranny  in 
every  tainted  breeze  1"  Are  we  their  sons,  and  shall 
we  sleep  on  our  posts  ?  We  may  sleep,  but  the 
enemy  is  awake ;  he  is  straining  every  nerve  to 
possess  himself  of  our  fair  land.  We  must  awake, 
or  we  are  lost.  Foundations  are  attacked,  funda 
mental  principles  are  threatened,  interests  are  put 
in  jeopardy,  which  throw  all  the  questions  which 
now  agitate  the  councils  of  the  country  into  the 
shade.  It  is  Liberty  itself  that  is  in  danger,  not  the 


THE   MORAL   STRENGTH    OF   THE    REPUBLIC  ATTACKED.        97 

liberty  of  a  single  state,  no,  nor  of  the  United  States, 
but  the  liberty  of  the  world.  Yes,  it  is  the  world 
that  has  its  anxious  eyes  upon  us  ;  it  is  the  world 
that  cries  to  us  in  the  agony  of  its  struggles  against 
despotism,  THE  WORLD  EXPECTS  AMERICA,  REPUBLI 
CAN  AMERICA,  TO  DO  HER  DUTY. 

Our  institutions  have  already  withstood  many  as 
saults  from  within  and  from  without,  but  the  war  has 
now  assumed  a  new  shape.  An  effort  is  now  ma 
king  that  is  to  try  the  MORAL  STRENGTH  of  the  Re 
public.  It  is  not  a  physical  contest  on  the  land,  or 
on  the  water.  The  issue  depends  not  on  the  strength 
of  our  armies  or  navies.  How  then  shall  we  defend 
ourselves  from  this  new,  this  subtle  attack  ? 

"Defend  yourselves  !"  cries  the  Austrian  papist, 
"you  cannot  defend  yourselves;"  your  government, 
in  its  very  nature,  is  not  strong  enough  to  protect 
you  against  foreign  or  domestic  conspiracy.  You 
must  here  take  a  lesson  from  legitimate  govern 
ments.  We  alone  can  teach  the  effectual  method 
of  suppressing  conspiracies.  You  say  you  have  a 
body  of  conspirators  against  your  liberties,  a  body 
of  foreigners  who  are  spreading  their  pernicious 
heresies  through  your  land,  and  endangering  the 
state.  The  weakness  of  republicanism  is  now  man 
ifest.  What  constitutional  or  legal  provision  meets 
the  difficulty  ?  Where  are  your  laws  prohibiting 


98  PAPAL   MODE    OF   GUARDING   THE   STATE. 

Catholics  from  preaching  or  teaching  their  doctrines, 
and  erecting  their  chapels,  churches,  and  schools  ? 
Where  is  your  Passport  system,  to  enable  you   to 
know  the  movements  of  every  man  of  them  in  the 
land  ?  Where  is  your  Gens  d'armerie,  your  armed 
police,  those  useful  agents,  whose  domiciliary  visits 
could  ferret  out  every  Catholic,  seize  and  examine 
his  papers,  and  keep  him  from  further  mischief  in 
the  dungeons  of  the  state  ?     Where   are  your  laws 
that  can  terrify,  by  the  penalty  of  imprisonment,  any 
man  that  dares  to  utter  an  opinion  against  the  gov 
ernment  ?     Where  is  your  judicious  censorship  of 
the  press,  to  silence  the  Catholic  journals,  and  stifle 
any  Catholic  sentiments  in  other  journals  ?     Where 
is  your  Index  expurgatorius,  to  denounce  all  unsafe 
books,  that  no  Catholic  book  may  be  printed  or  ad 
mitted  into  the  country  ?     Where  is  your  system 
of  espionage,  that  no  Protestant  may  read  a  Catholic 
publication,  or  express  in  conversation  a  single  sen 
timent  unfavorable  to  Protestantism,  without  being 
overlooked,  and   overheard  by  some  faithful  spy, 
and  reported  to  the  government  ?     Where  are  the 
officers  in  your  post-office  department  for  the  secret 
examination  of  letters,  so  that  even  the  most  confi 
dential  correspondence  may  be  purified  from  danger 
ous  heresy  ?     Where  is  your  secret  Inquisitorial 
Court  for  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  apostate 


A  MODE  NOW  IN  ACTUAL  OPEBATION  IN  EUROPE.    99 

Protestants  ?  Without  these  changes  in  the  consti 
tution  and  laws  of  your  government,  you  can  op 
pose  no  efficient  obstacle  to  the  success  of  this  con 
spiracy. 

And  what  shall  I  reply  to  this  consistent  Papist  ? 
The  methods  he  would  prescribe  have  the  sanction 
of  successful  experiment  for  some  centuries.  They 
are  in  sober  truth  the  very  means  that  Popery  employs 
at  this  very  day,  in  the  countries  where  it  is  domi 
nant,  to  prevent  the  spread  of  opinions  contrary  to 
its  own  dogmas. 

But  are  these  the  methods  that  commend  them 
selves  to  American  Protestants?  Does  not  such  a 
cumbrous  machinery  of  chains,  and  bolts,  and  bay 
onets,  and  soldiers,  to  hold  the  mind  in  bondage,  seem 
rather  a  dream  of  the  dark  ages,  than  a  real  system, 
now  in  actual  operation  in  the  nineteenth  century  1 
Away  with  Austrian  and  Popish  precedent.  Amer 
ican  Protestantism  is  of  a  different  school.  It  needs 
none  of  the  aids  which  are  indispensable  to  the  crum 
bling  despotisms  of  Europe  ;  no  soldiers,  no  restric 
tive  enactments,  no  index  expurgatorius,  no  Inquisi 
tion.  This  war  is  the  war  of  principles ;  it  is  on 
the  open  field  of  free  discussion  ;  and  the  victory  is 
to  be  won  by  the  exercise  of  moral  energy,  by  the 
force  of  Religious  and  Political  Truth.  But  still  it 
is  a  war,  and  all  true  patriots  must  wake  to  the  cry 


100  THE    LIVING   PRINCIPLE   OF   OUR  INSTITUTIONS. 

of  danger.  They  must  up,  and  gird  themselves  for 
battle.  It  is  no  false  alarm.  Our  liberties  are  in 
danger.  The  Philistines  are  upon  us.  Their  bonds 
are  prepared,  and  they  intend,  if.  they  can,  to  fasten 
them  upon  our  limbs.  We  must  shake  off  our  leth 
argy,  and  like  the  giant  awaking  from  his  sleep,  snap 
these  shackles  asunder.  We  are  attacked  in  vul 
nerable  points  by  foreign  enemies  to  all  liberty. 
We  must  no  longer  indulge  a  quiet  complacency  in 
our  institutions,  as  if  there  were  a  charm  in  the  sim 
ple  name  of  American  liberty  sufficiently  potent  to 
repel  all  invasion.  For  what  constitutes  the  life  of 
our  justly  cherished  institutions  ?  Where  is  the  liv 
ing  principle  that  sustains  them  ?  Is  it  in  the  air  we 
breathe  ?  Is  it  in  the  soil  we  cultivate  ?  Is  our  air 
or  our  soil  more  congenial  to  liberty  than  the  air  and 
soil  of  Austria,  or  Italy,  or  Spain  ?  No  !  The  life 
of  our  institutions !  It  is  a  moral  and  intellectual 
life ;  it  lies  in  the  culture  of  the  human  mind  and 
heart,  of  the  reason  and  conscience ;  it  is  bound  up 
in  principles  which  must  be  taught  by  father  to  son, 
from  generation  to  generation,  with  care,  with  toil, 
with  sacrifice.  Hide  the  Bible  for  fifty  years — (we 
will  not  ask  for  the  hundred  years  so  graciously 
granted  by  the  autocrat  to  stifle  liberty) — hide  the 
Bible  for  fifty  years,  and  let  our  children  be  under 
the  guidance  of  men,  whose  first  exercise  upon  the 


TRUE  MODE  OF  OUR  DEFENCE.  101 

youthful  mind  is  to  teach  that  lesson  of  old  school 
sophistry,  which  distorts  it  forever,  and  binds  it 
through  life  in  bonds  of  error  to  the  dictation  of  a 
man ;  a  man  whom,  in  the  same  exercise  of  distort 
ed  reason,  he  is  persuaded  to  believe  infallible  ;  let 
these  Jesuit  doctors  t;*ke  the  place  of  our  Protestant 
instructors,  and  where  will  be  the  political  institutions 
of  the  country  ?  Fifty  years  would  amply  suffice 
to  give  the  victory  to  the  despotic  principle,  and 
realize  the  most  sanguine  wishes  of  the  tyrants  of 
Europe. 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  to  secure  safety,  is  to 
open  our  eyes  at  once  to  the  reality  and  the  extent 
of  the  danger.  We  must  riot  walk  on  blindly,  cry. 
irig  "  all's  well."  The  enemy  is  in  all  our  borders. 
He  has  spread  himself  through  all  the  land.  The 
ramifications  of  this  foreign  plot  are  every  where 
visible  to  all  who  will  open  their  eyes.  Surprising 
and  unwelcome  as  is  such  an  announcement,  we 
must  hear  it  and  regard  it.  We  must  make  AN  IM 
MEDIATE,  A  VIGOROUS,  A  UNITED,  A  PERSEVERING 
EFFORT  TO  SPREAD  RELIGIOUS  AND  INTELLECTUAL 
CULTIVATION  THROUGH  EVERY  PART  OF  OUR  COUN 
TRY.  Not  a  village,  nor  a  log-hut  of  the  land 
should  be  overlooked.  Where  Popery  has  put 
darkness,  we  must  put  light.  Where  Popery  has 
planted  its  crosses,  its  colleges,  its  churches,  itscha- 
9* 


102          POPERY  IN  FAVOR  OF  IGNORANCE. 

pels,  its  nunneries,  Protestant  patriotism  must  put 
side  by  side  college  for  college,  seminary  for  semina 
ry,  church  for  church.  And  the  money  must  not 
be  kept  back.  Does  Austria  send  her  tens  of  thou 
sands  to  subjugate  us  to  the  principles  of  darkness  ? 
We  must  send  our  hundreds  of  thousands,  aye  our 
millions,  if  necessary,  to  redeem  our  children  from 
the  double  bondage  of  spiritual  and  temporal  slave 
ry,  and  preserve  to  them  American  light  and  liber, 
ty.  The  food  of  Popery  is  ignorance.  Ignorance 
is  the  mother  of  papal  devotion.  Ignorance  is  the 
legitimate  prey  of  Popery. 

But  some  one  here  asks,  are  not  the  Roman 
Catholics  establishing  schools  and  colleges,  and 
seminaries  of  various  kinds,  in  the  destitute  parts  of 
the  land  ?  Are  not  they  also  zealous  for  education  ? 
May  we  not  safely  assist  them  in  their  endeavors  to 
enlighten  the  ignorant  ?  Enlighten  the  ignorant  ? 
Does  Popery  enlighten  the  ignorant  of  Spain,  of  Por 
tugal,  of  Italy,  of  Ireland,  of  South  America,  of 
Canada  ?  What  sort  of  instruction  is  that,  in  the 
latter  country,  for  example,  which  leaves  78,000  out 
of  87,000  of  its  grown  up  scholars  signers  of  a  peti 
tion  by  their  mark,  unable  to  write  their  own  names, 
and  many  of  the  remaining  signers,  who  write  nothing 
but  their  names.  What  sort  of  light  is  that  which 
generates  darkness?  Popery  enlighten  the  igno- 


THE  NATURAL  ENEMY  OF  GENERAL  EDUCATION.    103 

rant?  Popery  is  the  natural  enemy  of  GENERAL  ed 
ucation.  Do  you  ask  for  proof?  It  is  overwhelm 
ing.  Look  at  the  intellectual  condition  of  all  the 
countries  where  Popery  is  dominant.  If  Popery  is 
in  favor  of  general  education,  why  are  the  great 
mass  of  the  people,  in  the  papal  countries  I  have 
named,  the  most  ill-informed,  mentally  degraded  be 
ings  of  all  the  civilized  world,  arbitrarily  shut  out 
by  law  from  all  knowledge  but  that  which  makes 
.them  slaves  to  the  tyranny  of  their  oppressors  ?  No ! 
look  well  to  it !  If  Popery  in  this  country  is  pro 
fessing  friendship  to  general  knowledge,  it  is  a 
feigned  alliance.  If  it  pretends  to  be  in  favor  of 
educating  the  poor,  it  is  a  false  pretence,  it  is  only 
temporizing.  It  is  conforming  for  the  present,  from 
policy  to  the  spirit  of  Protestantism  around  it,  that 
it  may  forge  its  chains  with  less  suspicion.  If  it  is 
establishing  schools,  it  is  to  make  them  prisons  of 
the  'youthful  intellect  of  the  country.  If  the  Pa 
pists  in  Europe  are  really  desirous  of  enlightening 
ignorant  Americans,  by  establishing  schools,  let 
them  make  their  first  efforts  among  their  brethren  of 
the  same  faith  in  Canada  and  Mexico. 

Do  our  fellow  citizens  at  the  South  and  West 
ask  for  schools,  and  are  there  not  funds  and  teachers 
enough  in  our  own  land  of  wealth  and  education  to 
train  up  our  own  offspring  in  the  free  principles  of 


104  WE    MUST    SPREAD    EDUCATION. 

our  own  institutions  ]  or  are  we  indeed  so  beggared 
as  to  be  dependent  on  the  charities  of  the  Holy  Alli 
ance,  and  the  Jesuits  of  Europe  for  funds  and  teach 
ers  to  educate  our  youth — in  what  ?  THE  PRINCIPLES 
OF  DESPOTISM  !  Forbid  it  patriotism  !  Forbid  it  reli 
gion  ! — Our  own  means  are  sufficient ;  we-  have 
wealth  enough,  and  teachers  in  abundance..  We 
have  only  to  will  it  with  the  resolution  and  the-  zeali 
that  have  so  often  been  shown,  whenever  great  na 
tional,  or  moral  interests  are  to  be  subserved,  and  ev 
ery  fortress,  every  corps  of  Austrian  darkness  would! 
be  surrounded :  the  lighted  torches  of  truth,  poli 
tical  and  religious,  would  flash  their  imwelcome 
beams  into  every  secret  chamber  of  the  enemies  of 
our  liberty,  and  drive  these  ill-omened  birds  of  a. 
foreign  nest  to  their  native  hiding-place.. 


CHAPTER  X. 

All  classes  of  citi/ens  interested  in  resisting  the  efforts  of  Po 
pery — The  unnatural  alliance  of  Popery  and  Democracy  ex 
posed — Religious  liberty  in  danger — Specially  in  the  keeping 
of  the  Christian  community — They  must  rally  for  its  defence, 
— The  secular  press  has  no  sympathy  with  them  in  this  strug 
gle,  it  is  opposed  to  them — The  Political  character  of  Po 
pery  ever  to  be  kept  in  mind  and  opposed — It  is  for  the  Pa 
pist,  not  the  Protestant  to  separate  his  religious  from  his 
political  creed— Papists  ought  to  be  required  publicly  and 
formally  and  officially  to  renounce  foreign  allegiance  and 
anti-republican  customs. 

IN  considering  the  means  of  counteracting  this 
foreign  political  conspiracy  against  our  free  institu 
tions,  I  have  said  that  we  must  awake  to  the  reality 
and  extent  of  the  danger,  and  rouse  ourselves  to 
immediate  and  vigorous  action  in  spreading  reli 
gious  and  intellectual  cultivation  through  the  land. 
This  indeed  would  be  effectual,  but  this  remedy  is 
remote  in  its  operation,  and  is  most  seriously  retard 
ed  by  the  enormous  increase  of  ignorance  which  is 
flooding  the  country  by  foreign  immigration.  While 
therefore  the  remote  effects  of  our  exertions  are 
still  provided  for,  the  pressing  exigency  of  the  case 
seems  to  require  some  more  immediate  efforts  to  pre- 


106     POPERY   DOUBLY   OPPOSED   TO    ALL   CUR   INSTITUTIONS. 

vent  the  further  spread  of  the  evil.  The  two-fold 
character  of  the  enemy  who  is  attacking  us  must 
be  well  considered.  Popery  is  doubly  opposed, — 
civilly  and  religiously, — to  all  that  is  valuable  in  our 
free  institutions.  As  a  religious  system,  it  is  the 
avowed  and  common  enemy  of  every  other  religious 
sect  in  the  land.  The  Episcopalian,  the  Methodist, 
the  Presbyterian,  the  Baptist,  the  Quaker,  the  Uni 
tarian,  the  Jew,  &c,  &c.,  are  alike  anathematized, 
are  together  obstinate  heretics,  in  the  creed  of  the 
Papist.  He  wages  an  indiscriminate,  uncompromis 
ing,  exterminating  war  with  all. 

As  a  Political  system,  it  is  opposed  to  every 
political  party  in  the  country.  Popery  in  its  very 
nature  is  opposed  to  the  genius  of  our  free  system, 
notwithstanding  its  affected,  artful  appropriation  (in 
our  country  only,)  of  the  habits  and  phraseology  of 
democracy.  Present  policy  alone  dictates  so  un 
natural  an  alliance,  aye,  most  unnatural  alliance. 
What !  Popery  and  Democracy  allied  ?  Despotism, 
and  Liberty  hand  in  hand  ?  Has  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  in  very  deed  turned  Democrat  in  the  United 
States  ?  Let  us  look  into  this  incongruous  coalition,, 
this  solecism  in  politics — Popish  Democracy.  Do. 
Popish  Bishops  or  Priests  consult  the  people?  Have 
the  people  any  voice  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ?  Can 
the  people  vote  their  own  taxes  ?  or  are  they  im. 


ALLIANCE   OF    POPERY  AND   DEMOCRACY  EXPOSED.        JQ7 

posed  upon  them  by  irresponsible  priests?  Do  the 
bishops  and  priests  account  for  the  manner  in  which 
they  spend  the  people's  money  ?  Has  Popery  here 
adopted  the  American  principle  of  RESPONSIBILITY 
TO  THE  PEOPLE  ;  a  responsibility  which  gives  the 
most  insignificant  contributor  of  his  money  towards 
any  object,  a  right  to  examine  into  the  manner  in 
which  it  is  disbursed.  No  !  the  people  account  to 
their  priests  in  all  cases,  not  the  priests  to  the  people 
in  any  case.  What  sort  of  Democracy  is  that  where 
ihe  people  have  no  power,  and  the  priests  have  all,  by 
divine  right  ?  Let  us  hear  no  more  of  the  presump 
tuous  claim  of  Popery  to  Democracy. — Popery  is 
the  antipodes  of  Democracy.  It  is  the  same  petty 
tyrant  of  the  people  here,  as  in  Europe.  And  this 
is  the  tyranny  that  hopes  to  escape  detection  by  as 
suming  the  name  and  adopting  the  language  of  de 
mocracy.*  It  is  this  tyranny  that  is  courted  and 
favored  at  political  elections  by  our  politicians  of  all 
parties,  because  it  has  the  advantage  of  a  despotic 
organization.!  How  much  longer  are  the  feelings 
of  the  religious  community  to  be  scandalized,  and 

*  See  note  N. 

t  And  infidelity  too,  it  seems,  has  just  learned  the  secret  of 
political  power,  and  not  content  with  civil  and  religious  lib 
erty,  has  introduced  a  third  kind,  and  organizing  itself  into  a 
new  interest,  demands  to  be  represented  in  the  state  as  the 
advocate  of  irreligious  liberty  i 


108  RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY   IN   DANGER. 

their  moral  sense  outraged,  by  the  bare-faced  bar 
gainings  for  Catholic  and  infidel  votes  1  Have  the 
religious  community  no  remedy  against  such  out 
rage?  If  they  have  not,  if  there  is  not  a  single 
point  on  which  they  can  act  together,  if  the  reli 
gious  denominations  of  various  names  can  have  no 
understanding  on  matters  of  this  kind,  if  they  have 
no  common  bond  to  unite  them  in  repelling  common 
enemies,  then  let  us  boast  no  more  of  religious  lib 
erty.  What  is  religious  liberty  ?  Is  it  merely  a 
phrase  to  round  a  period  in  a  fourth  of  July  oration  ? 
Is  it  a  dazzling  sentiment  for  Papists  to  use  in  blind 
ing  the  eyes  of  the  people,  while  they  rivet  upon 
them  their  foreign  chains  of  superstition  ?  Is  it  a 
shield  to  be  held  before  Infidels,  from  behind  which, 
they  may  throw  their  poisoned  shafts  at  all  that  is 
orderly  and  fair  in  our  civil  as  well  as  religious  in 
stitutions  t  Or  is  it  that  prize  above  all  price,  that 
heaven-descended  gift  to  the  world,  for  which,  with 
its  twin  sister,  we  contended  in  our  war  for  inde 
pendence,  and  which  we  are  bound  by  every  duty  to 
ourselves,  to  our  children,  to  our  country,  to  the 
world,  to  guard  with  the  most  jealous  care  ?  And  has 
it  ever  occurred  to  Christians  that  this  duty  of  guard 
ing  religious  liberty  in  a  more  special  manner  devolves 
on  them  ?  Who  but  the  religious  community  appre 
ciate  the  inestimable  value  of  religious  liberty? — 


THE    SECULAR   PRESS  AN   UNFAITHFUL  WATCHMAN.       1Q9 

Are  their  interests  safe  in  the  hands  of  the  infidel, 
who  scoffs  at  all  religion,  and  uses  his  civil  liberty 
to  subvert  all  liberty  ?  Is  it  safe  in  the  hands  of 
imported  radicals  and  blasphemers?  Is  it  safe  in 
the  hands  of  calculating,  selfish,  power-seeking 
politicians?  Is  it  safe  in  the  keeping  of  Metter- 
nich's  stipendiaries,  the  active  agents  of  a  foreign 
despotic  power  ?  Does  the  secular  press  take  care 
of  our  religious  liberty  ?  Is  there  a  secular  journal 
that  has  even  hinted  to  its  readers  the  existence  of 
this  double  conspiracy?  The  most  dangerous  po 
litico-religious  sect  that  ever  existed,  a  sect  that  has 
been  notorious  for  ages,  for  throwing  governments 
into  confusion,  is  politically  at  work,  in  our  own 
country,  under  the  immediate  auspices  of  the  most 
despotic  power  of  Europe,  interested  politically  and 
vitally  in  the  destruction  of  our  free  institutions,  and 
is  any  alarm  manifested  by  the  secular  press  ?  No ! 
they  are  altogether  silent  on  this  subject.  They 
presume  it  is  only  a  religious  controversy,  and  they 
cannot  meddle  with  religious  controversies.  They 
must  not  expose  religious  imposture,  lest  they  should 
be  called  pious.  They  have  no  idea  of  blending 
church  and  state.  They  have  a  religion  of  their 
own,  a  worship  in  which  the  public,  they  think,  feel 
a  more  exciting  interest.  One  has  a  liberty  pole  to 
be  erected,  another  a  hickory  tree,  and  the  rival  pre- 
10 


HO   THE  RELIGIOUS  COMMUNITY  MUST  GUARD  TiitjR  RfGHTS. 

tensions  to  superiority  of  these  wooden  gods  of  their 
idolatry,  it  is  of  the  last  importance  to  settle,  and 
the  bacchanalian  revelry  of  their  consecration  must 
be  recorded  and  blazoned  forth  in  italics  and  capi 
tals  in  its  minutest  particulars.  "  Oh  Pole !  oh 
Tree  !  thou  art  the  preserver  of  our  liberty  !"  No  j 
If  the  religious  community,  (in  which  term  I  mean  to 
include  Protestants  of  every  name  who  profess  a  re* 
ligious  faith,)  awake  not  to  the  defence  of  their  own 
rights  in  the  state,  if  they  indulge  timidity  or  jeal 
ousy  of  each  other,  if  they  will  not  come  forward 
boldly  and  firmly  to  withstand  the  encroachments  of 
corruption  upon  their  own  rights  ;  the  selfish  poli 
ticians  of  the  factions  of  the  day  (and  they  swarm 
in  the  ranks  of  all  parties,)  will  bargain  away  all 
that  is  valuable  in  the  country,  civil  and  religious, 
to  the  Pope,  to  Austria,  or  to  any  foreign  power  that 
will  pay  them  the  price  of  their  treason. 

We  cannot  be  too  often  reminded  of  the  double 
character  of  the  enemy  who  has  gained  foothold! 
upon  our  shores,  for  although  Popery  is  a  religious- 
sect,  and  on  this  ground  claims  toleration  side  by 
side  with  other  religious  sects,  yet  Popery  is  also  a 
political,  a  despotic  system,  which  we  must  repel  as 
altogether  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  free 
dom.  I  repeat  it,  Popery  is  a  political,  a  despotic 
system,  which  must  be  resisted  by  all  true  patriots. 


DILEMMA    OF   PAPISTS. 


Is  it  asked,  how  can  we  separate  the  characters 
thus  combined  in  one  individual  ?  How  can  we  re- 
pel  the  politics  of  a  Papist,  without  infringing  upon 
his  religious  right  ?  I  answer,  that  this  is  a  diffi 
culty  for  Papists,  not  for  Protestants  to  solve.  If 
Papists  have  made  their  religion  and  despotism  iden 
tical,  that  is  not  our  fault.  Our  religion,  the  Prot 
estant  religion,  and  Liberty  are  identical,  and 
liberty  keeps  no  terms  with  despotism.  American 
Protestants  use  no  such  solecism  as  religious  despot 
ism.  Shall  political  heresy  be  shielded  from  all  at 
tack,  because  it  is  connected  with  a  religious  creed  ? 
Let  Papists  separate  their  religious  faith  from  their 
political  faith,  if  they  can,  and  the  former  shall  suffer 
no  political  attack  from  us.  "  But  no,"  the  Papist 
cries,  "  I  cannot  separate  them  ;  my  religion  is  so 
blended  with  the  political  system,  that  they  must  be 
tolerated  or  refused  together  ;  my  *  whole  system  is 
one,  and  indivisible,  unchangeable,  infallible'  —  I  am 
conscientious,  I  cannot  separate  them"  What  ar-e 
we  to  do  in  such  a  case  ?  Are  we  to  surrender  our 
civil  and  religious  liberty  to  such  presumptuous 
folly  ? 

No  !  our  liberties  must  be  preserved  •  and  we 
say,  and  say  firmly  to  the  Popish  Bishops  and 
Priests  among  us,  give  us  your  declaration  ef  your 
relation  to  our  civil  government.  Renounce  your 


112  THEY   MUST   RENOUNCE  FOREIGN  ALLEGIANCE. 

foreign  allegiance,  your  allegiance  to  a  FOREIGN 
SOVEREIGN.  Let  us  have  your  own  avowal  in  an 
official  manifesto,  that  the  Democratic  Government 
under  which  you  here  live,  delights  you  lest.  Put 
your  ecclesiastical  doings  upon  as  open  and  popular 
a  footing*  as  the  other  sects.  Open  your  books  to  the 
people,  that  they  may  scrutinize  your  financial  matters, 
that  the  people,  your  own  people,  may  know  how  much 
they  pay  to  priests,  and  how  the  priests  expend  their 
money ;  that  the  poorest  who  is  taxed  from  his  hard 
earned  wages  for  church  dues,  aud  the  richest  who 
gives  his  gold  to  support  your  extravagant  ceremo 
nial,  may  equally  know  that  their  contributions  are  not 
misapplied.  Come  out  and  declare  your  opinion  on 
the  LIBERTY  OF  THE  PRESS,  on  LIBERTY  OF  CON 
SCIENCE,  and  LIBERTY  OF  OPINION,  Americans  de 
mand  it.  They  are  waking  up.  They  have  their 
eyes  upon  you.  Think  not  the  American  eagle  is 
asleep.  Americans  are  not  Austrians  to  be  hood 
winked  by  Popish  tricks.  This  is  a  call  upon  you, 
you  will  be  obliged  soon  to  regard.  Nor  will  they 
be  content  with  partial,  obscure  avowals  of  repub 
lican  sentiments  in  your  journals,  by  insulated 
priests  or  even  bishops.  The  American  people 
will  require  a  more  serious  testimonial  of  your 
opinions  on  these  fundamental  political  points.  You 
have  had  Convocations  of  Bishops  at  Baltimore. 


THE   PROBABLE  ..CONSISTENCY    OF  THE    DOCUMENT.          113 

Let  us  have  at  their  next  assembling  their  senti 
ments  on  these  vital  points.  Let  us  have  a  docu 
ment  full  and  explicit,  signed  by  their  names,  a  doc 
ument  that  may  circulate  as  well  in  Austria,  and 
Italy,  as  in  America.  Aye,  a  document  that  may  be 
published  "  Con  permissione"  in  the  Diario  di  Roma, 
and  be  circulated  to  instruct  the  faithful  in  the  united 
church,  the  church  of  but  one  mind,  in  the  senti 
ments  of  American  democratic  Bishops  on  these 
American  principles.  Let  us  see  how  they  will  ac 
cord  with  those  of  his  Holiness  Pope  Gregory  X  VI. 
in  Ms  late  encyclical  letter !  Will  Popish  Bishops 
dare  to  put  forth  such  a  manifesto  ?  No !  They 
,dnre  not. 


10* 


CHAPTER    XI. 


The  question,  what  is  the  duty  of  the  Protestant  community, 
considered—  Shall  there  be  an  Anti-Popery  Union?—  The 
strong  manifesto  that  might  be  put  forth  by  such  a  union 
—  Such  a  political  union  discarded  as  impolitic  and  degrad 
ing  to  the  Protestant  community  —  Golden  opportunity  for 
showing  the  moral  energy  of  the  Republic  —  The  lawful,  effi 
cient  weapons  of  this  contest  —  To.be  used  without  delay. 


THERE  is  no  question  of  more  pressing,  more 
vital  importance  to  the  whole  country,  than  this  : 
What  is  the  duty  of  the  Protestant  community  in  the 
perilous  condition  to  which  religious  as  well  as  civil 
liberty  is  reduced  by  the  attempts  of  Popery  and 
foreign  enemies  upon  our  free  institutions  1  Have 
Christian  patriots  reflected  at  all  on  the  possible, 
nay,  I  will  say  probable  loss  of  religious  liberty  ; 
or  in  idea  attempted  to  follow  out  to  their  result  and 
in  their  immeasurable  extent  the  fearful  consequen 
ces  of  its  loss  ?  Why  is  it  then,  that  no  more  ener 
getic  efforts  are  made  to  save  ourselves  ? 

we  hear  this  fearful  tempest  sing1, 


Yet  seek  no  shelter  to  avoid  the  storm  ; 
We  see  the  wind  sit  sore  upon  our  sails, 
And  yet  we  strike  not,  but  securely  perish. 
****** 


1]6  DUTY   OF    THE    PROTESTANT    COMMUNITY. 

We  see  the  very  wreck  that  we  must  suffer; 

And  uimvoided  is  the  danger  now, 

For  suffering  so  the  causes  of  our  wreck. 

Shakspea  re. 

Yes,  the  rocks  are  In  full  view  on  which  American 
liberty  must  inevitably  be  wrecked,  unless  all 
hands  are  aroused  to  immediate  action.  Our  dan 
gers  are  none  the  less,  be  assured,  because  they 
are  not  those  against  which  the  general  cry  of 
alarm  is  so  loudly  raised  by  the  two  great  political 
parties  of  the  day.  In  the  heedless  strife  they  are 
now  waging,  the  most  superlative  epithets  of  alarm 
have  been  already  exhausted  by  each,  on  fictitious, 
or  comparatively  trivial  dangers  to  the  common 
wealth.  The  public  ear  is  deafened  by  their  noise ; 
its  sense  of  hearing  is  grown  callous  with  the  reitera 
ted  cries  of  alarm  on  every  slight  occasion.  "  Wolf ! 
Wolff"  has  been  so  often  falsely  cried,  that  now, 
when  the  wolf  has  in  reality  appeared,  we  cannot 
be  made  to  realize  it.  "  If  the  trumpet  give  an  un 
certain  sound,  who  shall  prepare  himself  for  the 
battle  ?"  We  are  busying  ourselves  in  quenching  the 
few  falling  sparks  that  threaten  the  deck  of  the 
ship  without  heeding  the  'fire  beneath,  that  is  ap 
proaching  the  magazine.  In  this  reckless  warfare 
of  passion,  and  falsehood,  and  slander,  and  aided 
by  the  deafening  din  of  party  strife,  neither  party 
seem  to  havo  observed  that  a  secret  enemy,  an 


FORMATION   OF   AN  ANTI-POPERY   UNION   CONSIDERED.    H7 

artful  foreign  enemy,  has  stolen  in  upon  us,  joining 
liia  foreign  accents  to  swell  the  uproar,  that  he  may 
with  less  suspicion  do  his  nefarious  work.*  Like 
incendiaries  at  a  conflagration,  they  even  cry  fire  ! 
loudest,  and  are  most  ostentatiously  busy  in  seem 
ing  to  protect  that  very  property  which  they  watch 
but  to  make  their  prey. 

What  then  can  be  done  ?  Shall  Protestants  or 
ganize  themselves  into  a  political  union  after  the 
manner  of  the  Papists,  and  the  various  classes  of 
industry  and  even  of  foreigners  in  the  country  ? 
Shall  they  form  an  Anti-Popery  Union,  and  take 
their  places  among  this  strange  medley  of  conflict 
ing  interests  ?  And  why  should  they  not  ?  Vari 
ous  parties  and  classes  do  now  combine  and  orga 
nize  for  their  own  interest;  and  if  any  class  of 
men  are  allowed  thus  to  combine  to  promote  their 
own  peculiar  interests  at  the  expense  of  another 
class,  that  other  class  surely  has  at  least  an  equal 
right  to  combine  to  protect  itself  against  the  excess 
of  its  antagonist.  A  denial  of  this  right  would  cer 
tainly  come  with  an  ill  grace  from  those  who  are 
already  formed  into  separate  organizations,  as  a 
Working  Men's  party,  as  a  Trade's  Union  party, 

*  See  Note  0. 


US  PRINCIPLES    OF  A  UN  JON. 

as  a  Catholic  party,  as  an  Irish  party,  as  a  German 
party,  yes,  even  as  a  French  and  an  Italian  party.* 
And  now.  on  the  supposition  that  such  a  political 
organization  of  Protestants  were  expedient,  (for  it 
resolves  itself  altogether  into  a  question  of  expedieri. 
cy)  let  us  see  whether  any  party  or  interest  could 
show  a  stronger  claim  upon  the  support  of  the  whole 
nation.  Its  manifesto  might  run  thus  : 

Popery  is  a  Political  system,  despotic  in  its  or 
ganization,  anti.de?nocratic  and  anti-republican,  and 
cannot  therefore  co-exist  with  American  republican, 
i  sm. 

The  ratio  of  increase  of  Popery  is  the  exact 
ratio  of  decrease  of  civil  liberty. 

*  By  classing  these  together  at  this  moment,  I  do  not  in 
tend  to  commit  myself  as  expressing  approval  or  disapproval 
of  the  right  of  each  and  all  of  these  to  organize,  but  merely  to 
show  that  such  organization  does  already  exist  among  other 
classes  in  the  community,  and  if  even  foreigners  among  us  are 
allowed  to  exercise  the  right  to  organize  into  a  separate  inte 
rest,  yes,  even  as  foreigners,  can  the  right  with  any  propri 
ety  be  refused  to  American  Christians?  Having  thus  stated 
the  case,  I  am  now  free  to  make  the  passing  remark,  that,  ex 
cluding  from  view  the  three  classes  first  named,  the  right  of 
foreigners  to  organize  as  foreigners  for  political  purposes  is  at 
leasfvery  questionable  ;  but  were  their  right  unquestionably 
legal  through  the  mildness  of  our  laws,  yet  the  practice  is  dan- 
gerous,  indecorous  and  a  palpable  abuse  of  political  liberality. 
The  Irish  naturalized  cilizens  who  should  know  no  other  name 
than  Americans,  for  years  have  clanned  together  as  Irish,  and 
every  means  has  been  used  and  is  still  used,  especially  by  Ca 
tholics,  to  preserve  them  distinct  from  the  American  family. 
Recently  a  portion  of  the  Germans  have  organized  to  keep 
up  their  distinct  nationality,  and  the  French  and  Italians 
have  just  followed  the  example.  [Nov.  1834]  To  what  will 
all  this  lead  1 


ITS   MANIFESTO.  HQ 

The  dominance  of  Popery  in  the  United  States 
is  the  certain  destruction  of  our  free  institutions. 

Popery,  by  its  organization,  is  wholly  under  the 
control  of  a  FOREIGN  DESPOTIC  SOVEREIGN. 

AUSTRIA,  one  of  the  Holy  Alliance  of  Sovereigns 
leagued  against  the  liberties  of  the  world,  HAS  THE 

SUPERINTENDENCE  OF  THE  OPERATIONS  OF  POPERY  IN 
THIS  'COUNTRY. 

The  agents  of  Austria  in  the  United  States  are 
Jesuits  and  priests  in  the  pay  of  that  foreign  power, 
in  active  correspondence  with  their  employers 
abroad,  not  bound  by  ties  of  any  kind  to  our  govern 
ment  or  country,  but,  on  the  contrary,  impelled  by 
the  strongest  motives  of  ambition,  to  serve  the  inte 
rests  of  a  despotic  foreign  government ;  which  am- 
hition  has  already,  in  one  or  more  instances,  been 
gratified,  by  promotion  of  these  agents  to  higher 
office  and  wealth  in  Europe. 

Popery  is  a  UNION  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE,  nor 
can  Popery  exist  in  this  country  in  that  plenitude 
of  power,  which  it  claims  as  a  divine  right,  and 
which,  in  the  very  nature  of  the  system,  it  must 
continually  strive  to  obtain,  until  such  a  union  is 
consummated.  Popery  on  this  ground,  therefore,  is 
destructive  to  our  relfgious  as  well  as  civil  liberty. 

Popery  is  more  dangerous  and  more  formidable 
than  any  power  in  the  United  States,  on  the  ground 


120  SUCH   A   UNION    DISCARDED   AS   DEGRADING. 

that,  through  its  despotic  organization,  it  can  concen 
trate  its  efforts  for  any  purpose,  with  complete  effect, 
and  that  organization  being  wholly  under  foreign 
control,  it  can  have  no  real  sympathy  with  any 
thing  American.  The  funds  and  intellect,  and  in 
triguing  experience  of  all  Papal  and  Despotic  Eu 
rope,  by  means  of .  agents  at  this  moment  organized 
throughout  our  land,  can,  at  any  time,  be  brought 
in  aid  of  the  enterprises  of  foreign  powers  in  this 
country. 

These  are  the  grounds  upon  which  an  appeal 
for  support  might  be  made  to  the  patriotism,  the 
love  of  liberty,  the  hatred  of  tyranny,  temporal  and 
spiritual,  which  belong  in  common  to  the  whole 
Protestant  American  family. 

But  is  this  the  plan  of  opposition  to  Popery  that 
should  be  proposed,  the  plan  which  ought  to  be 
adopted  by  the  Protestant  community?  No;  dis 
tinctly  and  decidedly  NO  ;  plausible  as  it  may  ap 
pear,  and  perfectly  in  accordance  as  it  is  with  the 
practice  of  politicians,  the  Christian  community 
ought  not,  cannot  adopt  such  an  organization. 
There  must  not  be  a  Christian  party.  What ! 
shall  Christianity  throw  aside  the  keen  moral  and 
intellectual  arms  with  which  alone  it  has  gained  and 
secured  every  substantial  victory  since  the  com 
mencement  of  its  glorious  career  ;  shall  it  exchange 


CHRISTIANS    MUST   NOT   DEGRADE   THEMSELVES.          121 

those  arms  of  heavenly  temper,  "  mighty  in  pulling 
down  strong  holds,"  for  the  paltry,  earthly  (I  might 
even  say  infernal)  weapons  of  party  strife?  Can 
Christianity  stoop  so  low  1  Can  it  bring  itself  down 
from  contemplating  its  great  work  of  revolutionizing 
the  world  by  bringing  moral  truth  to  bear  on  the 
conscience  and  the  heart,  and  narrow  its  vision  to 
the  contracted  sphere  of  party  politics?  Can  it 
enter,  without  defilement,  into  the  polluted  and  pol 
luting  arena  of  political  contest  ?  Can  it  consent  to 
be  bargained  for  by  political  hucksters,  or  have 
the  price  of  its  favors  hawked  in  the.  market  by 
political  brokers  ?*  Can  it  consent  to  compete 
with  Popery  in  the  use  of  those  instruments  of 
intrigue,  and  trick,  and  gambling  management,  in 
which  Popery  is  perfectly  skilled  from  the  hoard 
ed  experience  of  ages  ?  Can  Christians  present 
themselves  before  the  country  and  the  world,  in 
this  enlightened  age  and  country,  as  a  mere  politi 
cal  party  ?  No,  no ;  God  forbid,  that  we  should 
forget  the  holy  character  of  our  cause;  let  us  not 
be  caught  in  that  snare  of  the  enemy.  The  danger, 
cry  of  Church  and  State  may  safely  be  left  to  the 
people,  to  trumpet  aloud  through  the  land,  when  the 
blind  infatuation,  which  now  closes  their  eyes,  shall 
have  been  removed,  and  they  shall  be  able  to  see, 
*  See  note  P, 
11 


122        THEY  MUST  ZXEHCISE  MORAL  ENERGY. 

what  many  already  see,  the  secretpolitical  manceu- 
verings*  of  a  sect  whose  very  existence  depends 
upon  a  Union  of  Church  and  State.  No;  let 
American  Christianity  proclaim  anew  to  all  the 
world  that  it  can  never  be  wooed  to  any  such  unho 
ly  alliance.  It  will  keep  its  garments  unspotted 
from  the  crimes  of  the  State.  It  will  take  none  of 
the  responsibilities  of  the  political  errors  of  the  age, 
nor  father  any  of  the  evils  which  the  unprincipled 
politicians  of  the  day  may  bring  upon  the  country 
and  the  world  as  the  effect  of  their  political  bargain 
ings. 

Now  is  the  time  for  this  Christian  Republic  to 
show  her  moral  energy.  Europe  is  an  anxious 
spectator  of  our  contests,  and  is  watching  the  sue- 
cesa  of  this  new  trial  of  the  strength  of  our  boasted 
institutions.  Oh  !  what  a  lesson,  what  an  impressive 
lesson  might  free  America  now  read  to  Europe ! 
what  an  example  of  the  power  of  moral  over  physi 
cal  government,  can  she  give  to  the  world  if  she 
will  but  rouse  herself  in  her  moral  might,  to  the 
grand  effort  which  the  occasion  demands  ?  How 
would  the  petty  jealousies  of  the  different  Protestant 
sects  be  swallowed  up  in  the  magnitude  of  the  one 
great  enterprise?  How  would  every  sect  rather 
cheer  the  others  on  in  their  united  march  against  a 
*  See  note  R. 


THE7    MUST    VIE   WITH   EACH  OTHE«.  123 

common  foe,  and  make  a  common  rejoicing  of  the 
success  of  any  and  every  corps,  as  of  a^  victorious 
regiment  in  the  same  great  army  ? 

Will  American  Christians  prepare  themselves 
for  this  enterprise  ?  Will  each  sect  awake  to  the 
feeling  of  its  being  a  corps  of  the  great  Christian 
army,  marching  under  the  command  of  no  earthly 
leader,  fighting  with  no  earthly  weapons,  and  against 
no  earthly  foe.  Will  they  wake  to  the  perception 
of  the  great  truth,  that  while  their  great  Captain  al 
lows  each  to  act  separately  and  independently  with 
in  certain  limits,  it  is  he  that  commands  in  chief  and 
now  orders  all  his  soldiers,  under  whatever  earthly 
banner  enrolled,  in  united  phalanx  to  go  forward, 
forward  in  his  single  service.  Which  corps  will 
first  marshall  itself  for  action  ?  Which  will  be  first 
in  the  field  ?  Which  will  press  forward  with  most 
zeal  for  the  honor  of  the  advance,  for  the  post  of 
danger  ?  Which  in  the  battle  will  be  most  in  earn 
est  to  carry  forward  the  standards  of  truth  and  plant 
them  upon  the  battlements  of  papal  darkness  ?  Will 
any  shrink  back  for  fear  ?  Will  any  be  deterred 
from  unholy  jealousy  of  its  neighbor  ?  Will  any 
indulge  in  unchristian,  ignoble  suspicion  of  its  breth 
ren  ?  What  cause  have  any  for  fear,  or  jealousy, 
or  suspicion  ?  This  enterprise  asks  no  sacrifice  of 
sectarian  principle ;  it  demands  no  surrender  of  con- 


124  AND   USB   THEIR   POWEBFUt   WEAPONS 

scientious  predilection  of  each  to  its  own  modes  and 
forms  ;  but  it  does  ask  the  sacrifice  of  petty  preju 
dice  ;  it  does  demand  the  surrender  of  those  misera 
ble  jealousies  and  envyings  which  more  or  less  be 
long  to  some  of  every  sect,  when  they  learn  the 
greater  success  of  another,  as  if  the  victory  of  one 
were  not  the  victory  of  all.  And  what  are  the 
weapons  of  this  warfare  ?  The  Bible,  the  Tract, 
the  Infant  school,  the  Sunday  school,  the  common 
school  for  all  classes,  the  academy  for  all  classes, 
the  college  and  university  for  all  classes,  a  free 
press  for  the  discussion  of  all  questions.  These,  all 
these,  are  weapons  of  Protestantism,  weapons  un 
known  to  Popery !  Yes,  all  unknown  to  genuine 
Popery !  Let  no  one  be  deceived  by  the  Popish 
apings  of  Protestant  institutions.  The  Popish  semi 
nary  has  little  in  common  with  the  Protestant  semi 
nary  but  the  name.  It  is  but  the  sheep's  skin  that 
covers  the  wolfs  back  ;  the  teeth  and  the  claws  are 
not  even  well  concealed  beneath.  With  the  weapons 
we  have  named,  and  with  our  Education  societies, 
Theological  seminaries,  and  Missionary  societies, 
we  need  no  new  organization,  no  Anti-Popery  union. 
But  we  must  use  our  arms,  and  not  rest  satisfied  with 
the  possession  of  them.  They  must  be  furbished 
anew,  and  we  must  prepare  ourselves  for  a  vigorous 
warfare.  We  must  be  stirring,  if  we  mean  indeed 


WITHOUT  THE  LEAST  DELAY.  125 

to  be  victorious.  Not  a  moment  is  to  be  lost.  The 
enemy  knows  well  the  importance  of  the  present 
instant.  Hear  what  he  says,  "  We  must  make 
haste,  the  moments  are  precious. — IF  THE  PROTES 
TANT  SECTS  ARE  BEFOREHAND  WITH  US,  IT  WILL  BE 
DIFFICULT  TO  DESTROY  THEIR  INFLUENCE."  Ought 

not  this  acknowledgment  of  the  enemy  to  quicken 
and  encourage  to  instant  effort.  And  again  writes 
a  Catholic  Missionary,  "  zeal  for  error  is  always 
hot,  particularly  among  the  Methodists,  whom  nothing 
can  turn  from  their  track,  and  who  heap  absurdity 
upon  absurdity.  /  should  despair,  if  I  should  see 
this  sect  building  a  church  in  my  neighborhood.11 
Will  not  our  Methodist  brethren  take  this  hint  ? 


1.1* 


CHAPTER    XII. 

The  political  duty  .of  American  citizens  at  this  crisis. 

IN  my  last  number  I  deemed  it  a  duty  to  warn 
the  Christian  community  against  the  temptation  to 
which  they  were  exposed,  in  guarding  against  the  po 
litical  dangers  arising  from  Popery,  of  leaving  their 
proper  sphere  of  action,  and  degrading  themselves 
to  a  common  political  interest.  This  is  a  snare  into 
which  they  might  easily  fall,  and  into  which,  if  Po- 
pery  could  invite  or  force  them,  it  might  keep  a  ju 
bilee,  for  its  triumph  would  be  sure.  The  propen 
sity  to  resist  by  unlawful  means  the  encroachments 
of  an  enemy,  because  that  enemy  uses  such  means 
against  us,  belongs  to  human  nature.  We  are  very 
apt  to  think,  in  the  irritation  of  being  attacked,  that 
we  may  lawfully  hurl  back  the  darts  of  a  foe,  what 
ever  may  be  their  character ;  that  we  may  "  fight 
the  Devil  with  fire,"  instead  of  the  milder,  yet  more 
effective  weapon  of  "  the  Lord  rebuke  thee."  The 
same  spirit  of  Christianity  which  forbids  us  to  re 
turn  railing  for  railing,  and  persecution  for  persecu- 


128  POLITICAL   DUTY    OF   AMEBICAKS. 

tion,  forbids  the  use  of  unlawful  or  even  of  doubtful 
means  of  defence,  merely  because  an  enemy  uses 
them  to  attack  us.  If  Popery,  (as  is  unblushingly  the 
case,)  organizes  itself  at  our  elections,  if  it  interferes 
politically  and  sells  itself  to  this  or  that  political  de 
magogue  or  party,  it  should  be  remembered,  that 
this  is  notoriously  the  true  character  of  Popery.  It 
is  its  nature.  It  cannot  act  otherwise.  Intrigue  is 
its  appropriate  business.  But  all  this  is  foreign  to 
Christianity.  Christianity  must  not  enter  the  politi 
cal  arena  with  Popery,  nor  be  mailed  in  Popish  ar 
mor.  The  weapons  and  stratagems  of  Popery  suit 
not  with  the  simplicity  and  frankness  of  Christiani 
ty.  Like  David  with  the  armor  of  Saul,  it  would 
sink  beneath  the  ill  fitting  covering,  before  the  Phi 
listine.  Yes !  Popery  will  be  an  overmatch  for  any 
Christian  who  fights  behind  any  other  shield  than 
that  of  Faith,  or  uses  any  other  sword  than  the  sword 
of  the  spirit  of  Truth. 

But  whilst  deprecating  a  union  of  religious  sects 
to  act  politically  against  Popery,  I  must  not  be  mis 
understood  as  recommending  no  political  opposition 
to  Popery  by  the  American  community.  I  have 
endeavored  to  rouse  Protestants  to  a  renewed  and 
more  vigorous  use  of  their  religious  weapons  in  their 
moral  war  with  Popery,  but  I  am  not  unmindful  of 
another  duty,  the  political  duty,  which  the  double 


TO   OPPOSE   POPERY   POLITICALLY.  129 

character  of  Popery  makes  it  necessary  to  urge 
upon  Amercan  citizens,  with  equal  force, — the  im 
perious  duty  of  defending  the  distinctive  principles 
of  our  civil  government.  It  must  be  sufficiently 
manifest  to  every  republican  citizen  that  the  civil  po 
lity  of  Popery  is  in  direct  opposition  to  all  which  he 
deems  sacred  in  government.  He  must  perceive 
that  Popery  cannot  from  its  very  nature  tolerate  any 
of  those  civil  rights  which  are  the  peculiar  boast  of 
Americans.  Should  Popery  increase  but  for  a  little 
time  longer  in  this  country  with  the  alarming  rapid 
ity  with  which,  as  authentic  statistics  testify,  it  is  ad 
vancing  at  the  present  time,  (and  it  must  not  be  for 
gotten  that  despotism  in  Europe,  in  its  desperate 
struggles  for  existence,  is  lending  its  powerful  aid  to 
the  enterprise,)  we  may  even  in  this  generation  learn 
by  sad  experience  what  common  sagacity  and  ordi 
nary  research  might  now  teach,  in  time  to  arrest 
the  evil,  that  Popery  cannot  tolerate  our  form  of 
government  in  any  of  its  essential  principles. 

Popery  does  not  acknowledge  the  right  of  the 
people  to  govern  ;  but  claims  for  itself  the  supreme 
right  to  govern  all  people  and  all  rulers  by  divine 
right. 

It  does  not  tolerate  the  Liberty  of  the  Press ;  it 
takes  advantage  indeed  of  our  liberty  of  the  press 


130  IF   POLITICALLY   OPPOSED, 

to  use  its  own  press  against  our  liberty;  but  it  pro 
claims  in  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican,  and  with  a 
voice  which  it  pronounces  infallible  and  unchangea 
ble,  that  it  is  a  liberty  "  never  sufficiently  to  be  exe 
crated  and  detested" 

It  does  not  tolerate  liberty  of  conscience  nor  lib 
erty  of  opinion.  The  one  is  denounced  by  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  as  "  a  most  pestilential  error"  and 
the  other,  "  a  pest  of  all  others  most  to  be  dreaded  in 
a  state." 

It  is  not  responsible  to  the  people  in  its  financial 
matters.  It  taxes  at  will,  and  is  accountable  to  none 
but  itself. 

Now  these  are  political  tenets  held  by  Papists 
in  close  union  with  their  religious  belief,  yet  these 
are  not  religious  but  civil  tenets ;  they  belong  to 
despotic  government.  Conscience  cannot  be  plead- 
ed  against  our  dealing  politically  with  them.  They 
are  separable  from  religious  belief;  and  if  Papists 
will  separate  them,  and  repudiate  these  noxious 
principles,  and  teach  and  act  accordingly,  the  polit 
ical  duty  of  exposing  and  opposing  Papists,  on  the 
ground  of  the  enmity  of  their  political  tenets  to  our 
republican  government,  will  cease.  But  can  they 
do  it  ?  If  they  can,  it  behoves  them  to  do  it  with, 
out  delay.  If  they  cannot,  or  will  not,  let  them  not 


PAPISTS  CANNOT  COMPLAIW  OF   RELIGlOU*  PERSECUTION.    J3I 

complain  of  religious  persecution,  or  of  religious  in 
tolerance,  if  this  republican  people,  when  it  shall 
wake  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  that  threatens  its 
blood-bought  institutions,  shall  rally  to  their  defence 
with  some  show  of  indignation.  Let  them  not 
whinea  bout  religious  oppression,  if  the  democracy 
turns  its  searching  eye  upon  this  secret  treason  to 
the  state,  and  shall  in  future  scrutinize  with  some 
thing  of  suspicion,  the  professions  of  those  foreign 
friends,  who  are  so  ready  to  rush  to  a  fraternal  em 
brace.  Let  them  not  raise  the  cry  of  religious 
proscription,  if  American  republicans  shall  stamp 
an  indelible  brand  upon  the  livened  slaves  of  a  for- 
eign  despot,  the  servile  adorers  of  their  "  good  Em 
peror"  the  Austrian  conspirators,  who  now  shelter 
ed  behind  the  shield  of  our  religious  liberty,  dream 
of  security,  while  sapping  the  foundations  of  our 
civil  government.  Let  no  foreign  Holy  Alliance 
presume,  or  congratulate  itself,  upon  the  hitherto- 
unsuspicious  and  generous  toleration  of  its  secret 
agents  in  this  country.  America  may-  for  a  time, 
sleep  soundly,  as  innocence  is  wont  to  sleep,  unsus 
picious  of  hostile  attack ;  but  if  any  foreign  power, 
jealous  of  the  increasing  strength  of  the  embryo 
giant,  sends  its  serpents  to  lurk  within  his  cradle, 
let  such  presumption  be  assured  that  the  waking 


132  THK   INFANT    HEBCULE8   AWAKE. 

energies  of  the  infant  are  not  to  be  despised,  that 
once  having  grasped  his  foes,  he  will  neither  be 
tempted  from  his  hold  by  admiration  of  their  painted 
and  gilded  covering,  nor  by  fear  of  the  fatal  em 
brace  of  their  treacherous  folds. 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE    A. — PAGE    14. 
The  War  of  Opinions. 

EVERY  account  from  Europe  attests  the  correct 
ness  of  the  views  here  taken  more  than  a  year  since, 
of  the  political  state  of  the  civilized  world.  This 
war  of  opinions,  or  of  categories,  asLafayette  termed 
it,  is  in  truth  commenced,  and  Americans,  if  they 
will  but  use  common  observation,  cannot  but  feel 
tha*t  a  neglect  to  notice,  and  provide  against  the 
consequences  of  that  settled,  systematic  hostility 
to  free  institutions  so  strongly  manifested  by  foreign 
powers,  and  which  is  daily  assuming  a  more  serious 
aspect,  will  inevitably  result  in  mischief  to  the 
country,  will  surely  be  attended  with  anarchy  if 
they  wake  not  to  the  apprehension  of  the  reality  of 
this  danger.  Americans,  you  indeed  sleep  upon 
a  mine.  This  is  scarcely  a  figure  of  speech ;  you 
have  excitable  materials  in  the  bosom  of  your  soci 
ety,  which,  skilfully  put  in  action  by  artful  dema 
gogues,  will  subvert  your  present  social  system ; 
12 


134  APPENDIX. 

you  have  a  foreign  interest  too,  daily,  hourly,  in 
creasing,  ready  to  take  advantage  of  every  excite 
ment,  and  which  will  shortly  be  beyond  your  con 
trol,  or  will  be  subdued  only  by  blood.  You  have 
agents  among  you,  men  in  the  pay  of  those  very 
foreign  powers,  whose  every  measure  of  foreign 
and  domestic  policy  has  now  for  its  end  and  aim 
the  destruction  of  liberty  every  where.  To  increase 
your  peril,  you  have  a  press  that  will  not  apprise 
you  of  the  dangers  that  threaten  you ;  we  can  reach 
you  with  our  warnings  only  through  the  religious 
journals ;  the  daily  press  is  blind,  or  asleep,  or  bri 
bed,  or  afraid  ;  at  any  rate,  it  is  silent  on  this  sub 
ject,  and  thus  is  throwing  the  weight  of  its  influence 
on  the  side  of  your  enemies.  Foreign  spies  have 
clothed  themselves  in  a  religious  dress,  and  so 
awe-struck  are  our  journalists  at  its  sacred  texture, 
or  so  unable  or  unwilling  to  discern  the  difference 
between  the  man  and  his  mask,  that  they  start  away 
in  fear,  lest  they  should  be  called  bigoted  or  intole 
rant,  or  persecuting,  if  they  should  venture  to  lift  up 
the  consecrated  cloak  that  hides  a  foreign  foe. 
Americans,  if  you  depend  on  your  daily  press,  you 
rely  on  a  broken  reed ;  it  fails  you  in  your  need. 
It  dare  not,  no,  it  dare  not  attack  Popery.  It  dare 
not  drag  into  the  light  ihe political  enemies  of  your 
liberty,  because  they  come  in  the  name  of  religion, 
All  despotic  Europe  is  awake  and  active  in  plotting 
your  downfall,  and  yet  they  let  you  sleep,  and  you 
choose  not  to  be  awaked  ;  "  a  little  more  sleep,  a 
little  more  slumber,  a  little  more  folding  of  the 


APPENDIX.  135 

hands  to  sleep."  And  now  like  a  man  whose  house 
is  on  fire,  dreaming  of  comfort  and  security,  you 
will  perhaps  repel  with  passion  and  reproach  the 
friendly  hand  that  would  wake  you  in  season  to 
escape  with  your  life. 

Do  you  doubt  whether  Europe  is  in  hostile 
array  against  liberty  ?  Read  of  the  movements 
and  revolutions  of  foreign  cabinets,  as  one  or  the 
other  principle  temporarily  predominates.  Read 
the  views  of  the  statesmen  of  Europe.  A  distin 
guished  member  of  the  Spanish  Cortes  Don  Teles- 
foro  de  Trueba,  in  a  speech  delivered  before  that 
body  a  few  months  since,  says,  "  The  present  war  is 
not  a  war  of  succession  but  of  principle — liberty 
and  despotism  arc,  at  issue.  England,  France,  Bel 
gium,  Spain  and  Portugal,  have  ranged  themselves 
under  the  banner  of  the  former,  but  it  is  not  neces 
sary  for  me  to  name  those  powers  who  follow  the 
standard  of  the  latter." — Of  Don  Carlos  and  his 
government  he  says,  "  Ignorance,  hypocrisy,  and 
fanaticism,  are  his  only  counsellors,  whispering  to 
him  new  modes  of  oppressing  his  people.  Every 
thing  around  is  stamped  with  the  marks  of  baseness 
and  falsehood,  while  in  this  infernal  region  deso 
lation  and  death  reign  triumphant.  A  sanguinary 
priesthood  is  sacrificing  human  victims  to  the  God 
of  peace  and  love, — men  who  wish  to  bring  back 
the  dark  ages,  the  age  of  tyranny,  and  ignorance, 
and  death." 

The  foreign  correspondent  of  the  Evening  Post, 
in  a  letter  from  Florence,  Italy,  published  in  that 


136  APPENDIX. 

journal,  Dec.  27, 1834,  has  the  following  information, 
directly  from  Tuscany. 

"  Hitherto"  (in  the  adminstration  of  the  govern 
ment)  "  a  disposition  has  been  shown  to  let  off 
political  offenders  as  lightly  as  possible — but  lately, 
however,  something  of  the  same  jealousy  of  repub 
licanism  has  shown  itself,  which  has  been  manifest 
ed  by  the  other  absolute  governments  of  Europe. 
A  quarterly  journal  was  suppressed  a  few  months 
since,  on  account  of  something  which  gave  offence 
to  Austria.  This,  and  several  other  acts  of  the 
Grand  Duke,  have  greatly  diminished  his  personal 
popularity.  The  rulers  of  Italy  appear  to  have 
come  to  an  understanding,  that  it  is  time  to  make 
an  example  of  some  of  the  disaffected." 

Now  this  Austria  is  the  same  busy,  meddling 
government  that  is  operating  in  this  country  ;  we 
scarcely  read  the  name  of  Austria  in  a  foreign  jour 
nal,  or  in  letters  from  abroad,  but  in  connection 
with  some  plan  for  extinguishing  liberty,  and  yet 
we  harbor  her  emissaries,  promote  their  secret 
designs,  contribute  our  money  to  swell  their  coffers, 
build  for  them  their  seminaries  and  convents,  entrust 
our  children  to  their  instruction,  court  their  favor, 
shield  them  from  all  attack,  yes,  even  put  ourselves 
under  their  protection  :  all,  all  this  we  do.  and  our 
native  blood  flows  evenly  in  our  veins.  Spirit  of '76 
where  dost  thou  sleep  1 


APPENDIX.  137 

NOTE  B .  —  PAGE  34. 
Opposite  tendencies  of  Popery  and  Protestantism. 

On  the  very  threshold  of  the  examination  upon 
which  I  have  here  entered,  and  while  searching 
among  the  records  of  the  two  sects  for  the  politi 
cal  tendencies  of  the  principles  of  Popery  and 
Protestantism,  I  was  struck  with  the  marked  differ- 
ence  in  extent  which  the  two  fields  of  inquiry  le 
gitimately  offered  for  examination.  The  prime  dog 
ma  of  the  Catholics,  that  all  which  their  church 
teaches  is  infallible,  unchangeable  ;  that  what  she 
has  once  taught  as  truth  must  now  and  forever  be 
truth,  lays  open  to  our  examination  a  wide  field. 
All  and  each  of  the  precepts,  laws,  and  acts  of 
Popery,  from  the  earliest  ages  to  the  present  day, 
may  be  legitimately  quoted  to  show  the  political 
character  of  that  sect.  Innovation,  repeal,  reform, 
or  progress  can  find  no  admittance  into  the  Papal 
system,  without  destroying  the  fundamental  princi 
ple  on  which  the  whole  system  rests.  "  The  whole 
of  our  faith,"  says  Cardinal  Pallavicini,  an  infallible 
authority,  "rests  upon  one  indivisible  article, name 
ly  the  infallible  authority  of  the  church.  The  mo 
ment,  therefore,  we  give  up  any  part  whatever,  the 
whole  falls,  for  what  admits  not  of  being  divided, 
must  evidently  stand  entire,  or  fall  entire." 

Protestantism,  on  the  contrary,  is  founded  on 
the  Bible  ;  the  Bible  is  the  rallying  point  of  all  Pro 
testant  religious  sects.     They  all  believe  that  God 
is  its  author.     The  religious  faith  of  each  is  bound 
12* 


138  APPENDIX. 

to  this  one  volume.  But  as  the  Bible  prescribes  no 
form  of  faith,  or  doctrine,  or  of  church  government, 
in  which  all,  in  the  exercise  of  the  natural  and  re 
vealed  right  of  private  judgment,  can  agree,  each 
sect  adopts  that  form  most  in  accordance  with  what 
it  believes  to  be  the  spirit  of  the  doctrines  which 
the  Bible  teaches.  Hence  there  is  diversity  of 
views,  according  to  the  diversities  of  human  con 
stitution,  according  to  the  varying  degrees  of  intel 
lectual  cultivation,  or  the  peculiar  wants  and  con 
dition  incident  to  the  infinite  variety  of  circumstan 
ces  in  which  human  society  exists.  Upon  this  free 
dom  to  choose  according  to  the  dictates  of  reason, 
and  conscience,  granted  to  man  by  his  Maker, 
denied  by  Roman  Catholics  aud  claimed  by  Pro 
testants,  is  built  the  fabric  of  religious  liberty.  Dif 
ference  of  opinion  being  allowed,  controversy  of 
course  ensues,  and  converts  are  to  be  made  not  by 
force  of  arms,  but  by  force  of  truth  supported  by 
appeals  to  reason  and  conscience.  Zealous  accord 
ing  to  the  strength  of  his  belief  in  the  dogmas  of 
his  sect,  the  Protestant  calls  to  his  aid  all  the  treas 
ures  of  science.  He  believes  that  the  divine  Author 
of  truth  in  the  Bible  is  also  the  author  of  truth  in 
Nature.  He  knows,  that  as  truth  is  one,  He  that 
created  all  that  forms  the  vast  field  of  scientific 
research  cannot  contradict  truth  in  Scripture  by 
truth  in  nature ;  the  Protestant  is  therefore  the  con 
sistent  encourager  of  all  learning,  of  all  investiga 
tion.  Every  discovery  in  science,  he  feels,  brings 
to  religious  truth  fresh  treasures.  Free  inquiry, 


APPENDIX.  139 

and  discussion,  all  intellectual  activity  legitimately 
belong  to  Protestantism.  It  js  by  thus  opening 
wide  the  doors  of  knowledge,  and  letting  in  the 
light  of  natural  science  upon  what  it  believes  to  be 
the  revealed  truth  of  the  Bible,  that  Protestantism 
has  been  able  gradually  to  bring  out  the  principle 
of  religious  liberty,  and  in  its  train  the  invaluable 
blessing  of  civil  liberty. — At  the  commencement  of 
the  Reformation,  however,  we  are  not  to  look  for 
a  full  development  of  the  free  principles  of  Pro 
testantism.  We  must  expect  to  find  many  truths, 
(which  to  us  who  live  in  the  noon  of  freedom,  are 
as  clear  as  the  sun,)  then  obscured  or  entirely  in 
visible  in  the  popish  darkness  of  the  times.  The 
slavish  prohibitions,  the  deep-rooted  heathen  rites, 
and  the  arbitrary  dogmas  of  Popery  were  then  en 
forced  by  power,  by  ignorance,  and  corruption,  so 
that  the  struggle  of  free  with  despotic  principles 
was  attended,  through  many  generations,  with  con 
stant  vicissitude.  No  maxim  or  usage  of  Popish 
intolerance,  that  for  a  long  time  clung  or  still  clings 
to  any  of  the  Protestant  systems  of  Europe,  can  be 
quoted  against  American  Protestantism ;  conse 
quently  I  am  under  no  necessity  of  defending  any 
despotic  or  intolerant  practice,  which  may  be  charg 
ed  or  proved  upon  foreign,  or  ancient  Protestant 
ism,  while  every  act  or  practice,  past  or  present  of 
Popish  enactment  is,  (Papists  themselves  being 
judges,)  available  to  demonstrate  the  immutable 
character  of  Popery. 


140  APPENDIX. 

NOTE    C.  — PA  G  E    44. 

The  foreign  Emissaries  of  Popery  rewarded  in  their 
own  country. 

This  is  a  matter  deserving  of  serious  attention. 
Where  now  is  Bishop  Cheverus,  who  passed  about 
fourteen  years  in  Boston  ?  He  was  a  foreigner, 
with  no  ties  to  this  country,  paid  for  his  services 
by  a  foreign  government,  he  had  a  duty  to  his  for 
eign  masters  to  perform.  What  that  duty  was, 
may  now  easily  be  conjectured.  Boston,  as  the 
capital  of  New-England,  was  considered  at  the  time 
he  arrived,  the  strong  hold  of  Protestant,  of  Anti- 
Popish  principles.  Popery  was  there,  and  through 
out  New-England,  held  in  the  greatest  abhorrence, 
for  to  Popery  may  be  traced,  though  remotely,  yet 
clearly,  the  persecutions  which  drove  the  Pilgrim- 
fathers  to  this  country.  The  history  of  those  fath 
ers,  for  ages  previous,  is  but  the  history  of  hard 
fought  battles,  to  wrest  from  Popish  usurpation 
those  invaluable  rights,  civil  and  religious,  which 
they  fled  to  this  wilderness  securely  to  enjoy.  Ere  po 
pery  then  could  expect  to  gain  foothold  among  the  de 
scendants  of  the  persecuted  Puritans,  their  almost  in 
nate  abhorrence  to  popery  must  be  overcome.  What 
plan  could  be  better  devised  to  accomplish  the  end, 
than  to  send  the  mild,  conciliating,  gentle  Bishop 
to  demonstrate  by  his  example  and  his  teaching,  that 
Popery  was  not  that  monster  their  fathers  had  taught 
them  to  believe  it  to  be,  or  at  least  that  now  the  ty 
rant  had  grown  mild  and  tolerant.  If  this  were  the 


APPENDIX.  141 

design,  no  plan  could  have  been  more  successful. 
Who  that  has  visited  Boston,  does  not  know  the 
epithets  with  which  Bishop  Cheverus'  name  is 
coupled.  The  good  bishop,  the  liberal  bishop,  the 
excellent,  pious,  tolerant,  mild  bishop.  Now  all 
this  might  have  been  arid  perhaps  is  true  ofthe  bish 
op.  The  instrument  was  well  chosen,  his  duty  was 
well  accomplished, and  he  receives  the  reward  of  a 
faithful  servant  from  his  foreign  masters,  in  atrans- 
lation  to  the  wealthy  archbishopric  of  Bordeaux. 

Again,  where  is  Bishop  Dubourg, of  New-Orleans? 
He  has  resided  in  this  heathen  land  his  stated  time, 
arid  having  accomplished  the  duty  prescribed  to  him  is 
translated  to  the  Bishopric  of  Montauban,  in  France. 
And  again,  where  is  Bishop  Kelly,  of  Richmond, 
Va.?  He  also  sojourns  with  us  until  his  duties  to 
foreign  masters  are  performed,  and  then  is  reward 
ed  by  promotion  at  home  to  the  Bishopric  of  Wa- 
terford  and  Lismore. 

And  where,  soon  will  be  that  busy,  pompous 
Jesuit,  who  has  been  so  often  announced  as 
passing  and  repassing  between  Rome,  Vienna, 
and  the  United  States,  Bishop  England  1  If  re 
port  speaks  truth,  he  is  soon  to  be  rewarded  for 
his  services  in  the  cause  of  his  foreign  masters  with 
a  Cardinal's  hat.  The  following  from  the  Dublin 
Freeman's  Journal,  preceded  by  a  nauseous  mass 
of  fulsome  compliment,  gives  substance  to  the  re. 
port: — "After  escorting  these  ladies  (some  nuns) 
to  Charleston,  Dr.  England  proceeds  without  delay 
as  Legate  from  the  Pope  to  Hayti,  over  the  eccle- 


142  APPENDIX. 

siastical  affairs  of  which  republic  he  carries  with 
him  from  the  Holy  See  the  most  full  and  unlimited 
powers  ;  from  which  we  confidently  trust  ere  long 
he  will  again  return  to  Europe,  to  receive  as  some 
reward  for  all  his  labors  and  services,  a  Cardinal's 
hat  ;  for  instead  of  receiving  dignity  from,  should 
such  an  appointment  take  place,  Dr.  England  will 
confer  dignity  upon  the  sacred  purple." 

Now  in  view  of  these  instances  of  services  in 
this  country,  rewarded  by  appointments  in  Europe, 
the  question  naturally  occurs  :  What  interest  have 
these  servants  of  a  foreign  despotism  in  the  free 
institutions  of  this  country  1  What  sympathies  with 
American  liberty  can  these  foreigners  have,  educa 
ted,  as  they  have  been  in  their  own  country,  in  the 
principles  of  despotic  institutions,  living  but  tem 
porarily  in  this  country,  (whose  entire  political  sys 
tem  is  diametrically  opposed  to  their  whole  educa 
tion,)  and  looking  forward,  after  their  task  is  per 
formed,  to  a  recal  to  comfortable  benefices  and 
high  places  of  profit  and  honor  at  home,  to  rewards 
devised  by  Austria  and  the  Pope,  and  meted  out  to 
their  faithful  advocates  according  to  the  zeal  and 
devotion  manifested  to  their  interests?  What  would 
be  said  of  the  Episcopalian,  or  Presbyterian,  or 
Methodist,  or  Baptist  clergy,  were  they  announ 
ced  as  foreigners  sent  from  England,  who  after  a 
short  sojourn  of  active  service  in  this  country, 
were  known  to  be  recalled  and  promoted  in  their 
own  country,  to  be  Bishops,  and  dignified  officers 
under  the  British  government  ? 


APPENDIX.  143 

NOTE  D.  — PAGE  53. 

• 

Sanguinary  spirit  still  existing  in  Modern  Popery. 

If  any  suppose  that  Popery  has  changed  its  in 
tolerant  character  in  modern  times,  we  refer  them 
to  the  following  specimen  of  its  spirit.  It  is  Popery 
of  the  present  day  ;  Popery  of  1833. 

In  the  recent  journals  of  Modena,  in  Italy,  are 
articles  signed  by  the  duke  of  Canosa,  the  language 
of  which  knows  no  bounds.  He  justifies  the  St. 
Bartholomew's  Massacre.  He  says,  "  when  a  dis 
ease  has  made  such  progress,  that  it  cannot  be 
cured  by  magnesia  and  calomel,  to  save  life,  re 
sort  must  be  had  to  arsenic.  If  Charles  IX.  had 
recoiled  from  the  massacre  of  the  Huguenots,  he 
would  certainly  have  perished,  a  few  weeks  after, 
upon  the  scaffold,  as  happened  to  the  indulgent 
and  compassionate  Louis  XVL,  because  he  took  an 
opposite  course.  He  who  in  such  a  case  has  not 
the  courage  of  a  lion,  and  does  not  resolve  on  rig 
orous  measures,  is  lost.  The  pusillanimous  alone 
are  ignorant  of  this  truth."  Such  shocking  senti 
ments,  be  it  remembered,  are  published  in  a  coun 
try,  where  there  is  a  censorship  of  the  press  :  and 
they  are  therefore  the  language  of  the  government. 

The  duke  reasons  like  a  true  legitimate.  The 
happiness  and  lives  of  the  people  to  any  amount, 
are  mere  chaff  compared  with  the  happiness  and 
life  of  that  sainted  bauble  called  a  king.  His  rea 
soning  amounts  to  this:  "  better  that  thousands  of 
the  common  people  should  perish  by  the  bloodiest 


144  APPENDIX. 

butchery,  than  that  the  single  life  of  one  human 
being  endowed  with  divine  right  to  reign,  should 
like  Louis  XVI.  perish  on  the  scaffold."  It  is  not 
necessary  to  defend  the  shedding  of  royal  blood,  but 
there  is  a  trick  of  kingcraft  which  ought  to  be  ex 
posed,  because  its  influence  is  not  unfelt  in  this 
country.     The  divine  right  to  reign  is  first  assumed, 
then  the  human  being  thus  invested  with  power 
partakes  of  divinity,  he  becomes  sacred,  and  all 
the  names  and  paraphernalia  of  idolatrous  worship 
surround  him.     He  becomes  a  God,  every  word  he 
utters,  every  step  he  takes,  every  action,  however 
unimpoitant  in  any  other  human  being,  is  invested 
in  this  earthly   divinity  with   a  sacred  character. 
Does  the  god-king  ride  out,  the  whole  country  must 
know  the  important  event;  is  he  married,  the  whole 
nation  keeps  jubilee  ;  is  he  dead,  the  world  is  clad 
in  mourning.     The  misfortunes  of  his  offspring  are 
magnified  and  consecrated  by  all  the  arts  of  the 
imagination,  by  all  the  embellishments  of  romance. 
Is  an  illustration  wanted  ?     Take  a  recent  case. 
Look  at  the  history  of  the  Duchess  de  Berri,  an 
infamous  woman,  notoriously  profligate,  of  a  cha 
racter  that  in  common  life  would  condemn  her  to 
the   neglect  of  the  world,  and   cast  her  out  of  all 
society.     But  she  is  a  princess,  she  has  a  spark  of 
royal  divinity  that  shines  upon  her  brazen  front, 
and  the  duped  multitude  bow  in  adoration  before 
her.     Her  sufferings,  her  wanderings,  her  dress  in 
the  minutest  particulars,  her  words,  her  looks,  are 
the  subject  of  sympathetic  appeals  to  the  coinpas- 


APPENDIX.  145 

sion  of  the  world  ;  ladies  shed  tears  over  the  dis 
tresses  of  the  unfortunate  princess.  Alas!  alas!  that 
royal  blood  should  suffer  !  And  are  we  not  influ 
enced  by  this  mawkish,  morbid  sympathy  for  suffer 
ing  despots?  Where  are  our  sympathies,  when 
the  interested  statements  of  a  government-controlled 
foreign  press,  inform  us  of  the  struggles  of  the  people 
against  age-consecrated  oppression.  Are  they  with 
the  people  ?  Do  we  ever  suspect  the  truth  of  the 
glowing  details  of  the  doings  of  the  scandalous  mob, 
the  high-wrought  accounts  of  outrage  and  rebellion 
of  a  wicked  rabble  against  lawful  authority,  which 
circulate  through  our  land,  the  production  abroad  of 
pensioned  writers,  of  a  licensed  press,  and  those  too 
without  remark  or  explanation  from  our  press?  What 
should  be  the  feelings  of  a  true  American  ?  Where 
should  be  his  sympathies,  who  has  been  nurtured 
in  the  air  of  liberty,  who  has  learned  from  his  fath 
er's  lips  the  black  catalogue  of  despotic  wrongs, 
which  his  ancestors  suffered,  and  which  were  defen 
ded  by  all  the  tricks  and  glosses,  and  arts  of  oppres 
sion  ?  If  any  human  being  should  feel  quick  sympa 
thy  with  the  struggles  of  ihe  people,  should  examine 
with  the  greatest  care  the  charges  preferred  against 
them,  and  exercise  a  willing  charity  for  their  appa 
rent  or  real  excesses,  and  quick  mistrust  of  all  the 
doings,  representations  and  fair  speeches  of  despot 
ism,  it  is  an  American. 

13 


146  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  E.  — PA  GE  54. 

Popery  is  organized  throughout  the  World. 

This  organization  is  asserted  in  the  late  procla 
mation  of  the  Pope  to  the  Portuguese.  In  the  cata 
logue  of  his  complaints  he  says :  "  Nevertheless, 
that  which  principally  afflicts  us  is,  that  those  acts 
and  measures  have  evidently  for  their  aim  to  break 
every  bond  of  union,  with  that  venerable  chair  of 
the  blessed  Peter"  (his  own  throne)  "  which  Jesus 
Christ  has  made  the  centre  of  unity ;  and  thus  the 
society  of  communion  beingonce  broken,  to  wound 
the  church  by  the  most  pernicious  schism.  In  fact, 
how  can  there  be  unity  in  the  body,  when  the  mem 
bers  are  not  united  to  the  head,  and  do  not  obey 
it?" 


NOTE  F.  —  PAGE    67. 
.    Immigration  and  our  Naturalization  Law. 

The  subject  of  immigration  is  one  of  those 
which  demands  the  immediate  attention  of  the  na 
tion,  it  is  a  question  which  concerns  all  parties ;  and 
if  the  writer  is  not  mistaken  in  his  reading  of  the 
signs  of  the  times,  the  country  is  waking  to  a  sense 
of  the  alarming  evil  produced  by  our  naturaliza 
tion  laws.  Let  us  war  among  ourselves  in  party 
warfare,  with  every  lawful  weapon  that  we  can  con 
vert  to  our  purpose.  It  is  our  birthright  to  have 
our  own  opinion,  and  earnestly  to  contend  for  it, 
but  let  us  court  no  foreign  friends.  Every  Ame- 


APPENDIX.  147 

rican  should  feel  his  national  blood  mount  at  the 
very  thought  of  foreign  interference.  While  we 
welcome  the  intelligent  and  persecuted  of  all 
nations  and  give  them  an  asylum  and  a  share  in 
our  privileges,  let  us  beware  lest  we  admit  to  dan 
gerous  fellowship  those  who  cannot  and  will  not  use 
our  hospitality  aright.  That  such  may  come,  and 
do  come,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.  Consider 
the  following  testimony  of  an  emigrant,  given  be- 
fora  a  justice  in  Albany.  He  says  that  "  in  June 
last,  the  parish  officers  paid  the  passages  of  himself 
and  about  forty  others  of  the  same  parish,  from 
Chatham  to  the  city  of  Boston,  in  America,  on 
board  the  ship  Royalist,  Capt.  Parker,  and  that  they 
landed  in  Boston  in  the  month  of  July  last — that 
the  parish  officers  gave  him  thirty  shillings  sterling, 
in  money,  in  addition  to  paying  his  passage, — that 
he  is  now  entirely  destitute  of  the  means  of  living, 
and  is  unable  to  labor,  and  prays  for  relief." 

Now  here  are  forty  paupers  cast  upon  our 
shores  from  one  parish  in  England,  and  in  Jive 
years  they  become  citizens,  entitled  to  vote  !  !  Is 
there  an  American  of  any  party,  who  can  believe 
that  there  is  no  danger  in  admitting  to  equal  privi 
leges  with  himself  such  a  class  of  foreigners.  A 
remedy  to  this  crying  evil  admits  of  not  a  moment's 
delay.  At  this  moment  the  ocean  swarms  with 
ships  crowded  with  this  wretched  population,  bear 
ing  them  from  misery  abroad  to  misery  here. 

The  expense  incurred  in  this  city  (New  York) 
for  the  support  of  foreign  paupers,  it  is  well  known 


148  APPENDIX. 

is  enormous.  In  Philadelphia  more  than  three 
fourths  of  the  inmates  of  their  Almshouse  are  for 
eigners.  Whole  families  have  been  known  to  come 
from  on  board  ship,  and  go  directly  to  the  Alms- 
house.  In  the  Boston  Dispensary  there  were  the 
last  year,  (1834)  from  two  districts  only,  477  pa 
tients  ;  of  these  441  were  foreigners  !  I  Leaving  but 
36  of  our  own  population  to  be  provided  for.  In 
the  Boston  Almshouse,  the  following  returns  show 
the  increase  of  foreign  paupers  in  Jive  years. 
The  year  ending  Sept.  30,  1829,  Americans  395 

"      Foreigners  284 

The  year  ending  Sept.  30,  1834,  Americans  340 
"    ^  "         "       Foreigners  613 

Thus  we  see  that  native  pauperism  has  decreas 
ed  in  five  years,  and  foreign  pauperism  more  than 
doubled. 

In  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  more  than  four-fifths 
of  the  paupers  are  foreigners. 

The  first  and  immediate  step  that  should  be  ta 
ken,  is  to  press  upon  Congress  and  upon  the  nation, 
instant  attention  to  the  NATURALIZATION  LAWS.  We 
must  first  stop  this  leak  in  the  ship,  through  which 
the  muddy  waters  from  without  threaten  to  sink 
us.  If  we  mean  to  keep  our  country,  this  life-boat 
of  the  world,  from  foundering  with  all  the  crew,  we 
must  take  on  board  no  more  from  the  European 
wreck  until  we  have  safely  landed  and  sheltered 
its  present  freight.  But  would  you  have  us  forfeit 
the  character  of  the  country  as  the  asylum  of  the 
world  ?  No  :  but  it  is  a  mistaken  philanthropy  in- 


APPENDIX.  149 

deed  that  would  attempt  to  save  one  at  the  expense 
of  the  lives  of  thousands;  that  would  receive  into 
our  families  those  dying  of  the  plague.  Our  natu 
ralization  laws  were  never  intended  to  convert  this 
land  into  the  almshouse  of  Europe,  to  cover  the 
alarming  importation  of  every  thing  in  the  shape  ot 
man  that  European  tyranny  thinks  fit  to  send 
adrift  from  its  shores,  nor  so  to  operate  as  to  com 
pel  us  to  surrender  back  all  the  blessings  of  that 
freedom  for  which  our  fathers  paid  so  dear  a 
price  into  the  keeping  of  its  foreign  enemies.  No, 
we  must  have  the  law  so  amended  that  NO  FOR 
EIGNER  WHO  MAY  COME  INTO  THE  COUNTRY,  AFTER 
THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  NEW  LAW,  SHALL  EVER  BE  AL 
LOWED  TO  EXERCISE  THE  ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE. 

This  alone  meets  the  evil  in  its  fullest  extent. 

Who  can  complain  of  injustice  in  the  enactment 
of  such  a  law  f  Not  the  native  American,  he  is 
not  touched  by  it.  Certainly  not  the  foreigner 
now  in  the  country,  whether  naturalized  or  not.  It 
cannot  operate  against  him.  It  would  take  away 
no  right  from  a  single  individual  in  any  country. 
This  law  would  withhold  a  favor,  not  a  right  from 
foreigners,  and  from  those  foreigners  only  who  may 
hereafter  come  into  the  country.  If  foreigners 
abroad  choose  to  take  offence  at  the  law,  we  are 
not  under  obligations  to  consult  their  wishes,  they 
need  not  come  here.  This  favor,  it  should  be  under- 
stood,  has  repeatedly  been  abused,  and  it  is  necessa 
ry  for  the  safety  of  our  institutions  in  future  to  with 
hold  it.  The  pressing  dangers  to  the  country  from 
13* 


150  APPENDIX. 

Popery,  which  I  think  I  have  shown  not  to  be 
fictitious;  other  visible  indications  of  foreign  influ 
ence  in  the  political  horizon ;  the  bold  organiza 
tion  of  foreigners  as  foreigners  in  our  elections — 
these  all  demand  the  instant  attention  of  Ameri 
cans,  if  they  mean  not  to  be  robbed  by  foreign  in 
trigue  of  their  liberty  and  their  very  name. 


NOTE  G.  — PA  GE  63. 

One  College  at  the  West  under  Austrian  influence. 
The  following  fact  illustrates  the  dangerous, 
successful  intriguing  spirit  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the 
culpable  negligence  of  one  of  our  state  legislatures 
(that  of  Kentucky)  who  has  thus  suffered  it 
self  to  be  the  dupe  of  Popish  artifice.  "  St. 
Joseph's  College,  at  Bardstown,  Kentucky,  was 
incorporated  by  the  State  Legislature  in  1824. 
The  Bishop  of  Bardstown  is  Moderator,  and  five 
Priests  are  Trustees.  And  there  is  this  provision 
in  the  charter  :  "  The  said  trustees  shall  hold  their 
station  in  said  college  one  year  only,  at  which  time 
the  said  moderator  shall  have  the  power  of  electing 
others,  or  the  same,  if  he  should  think  proper,  and 
increase  the  number  to  twelve,  and  this  power  may 
be  exercised  by  him  every  year  thereafter,  or  his 
successor  or  successors  to  the  Bishopric  ;  and  in 
case  of  the  removal,  resignation  or  death  of  either 
of  the  said  trustees,  his  place  may  be  supplied  by 
an  appointment  that  may  be  made  by  the  said 


APPENDIX.  151 

Bishop,  or  his  successor  or  successors,  who  may  also 
become  moderators  in  the  institution,  and  act  and 
do  as  the  said  B.  J.  Flaget  is  empowered  by  this 
act  to  do." 

The  Bishop  of  Bardstown,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend 
in  Europe,  dated  February,  1825,  says:  — uOur 
Legislature  has  just  incorporated  the  college.  The 
Bishops  of  Bardstown  are  continued  perpetually  its 
moderators  or  rectors.  /  might  have  dictated  con 
ditions,  which  I  could  not  have  made  more  advan 
tageous  or  honorable  ;  and  what  is  still  more  flat 
tering  is,  that  these  privileges  were  granted  almost 
without  any  discussion,  and  with  unanimity  in 
both  houses." 

Now  the  Pope  it  is  well  known  appoints  all 
Bishops.  Here  then  is  one  college  in  the  country 
already  placed  inperpetuo  under  the  exclusive  con 
trol  of  the  Pope,  and  consequently  for  an  indefinite 
period  under  that  of  Austria  !  ! 


NOTE  H.— PAGE    66. 

Glory-giving-  Titles. 

One  of  the  plainest  doctrines  of  American  Re 
publicanism,  which  is  essentially  democratic,  is, 
that  mere  glory-giving  titles,  or  titles  of  servility,  are 
entirely  opposed  to  its  whole  spirit.  They  are  con 
sidered  as  one  of  those  artificial  means  of  kingcraft 
by  which  it  fosters  that  aristocratic,  unholy  pride 
in  the  human  heart,  which  loves  to  domineer  over 


15:2  APPENDIX. 

its  fellow~man,  which  loves  artificial  distinction  of 
ranks,  a  privileged  class,  and  of  course  which  helps 
to  sustain  that  whole  system  of  regal  and  papal 
usurpation  which  has  so  long  cursed  mankind.  If 
such  titles  are  to  some  extent  still  acknowledged 
in  this  country,  they  have  either  been  thoughtlessly 
but  unwisely  used  as  mere  epithets  of  courtesy, 
or  they  are  the  remains  of  old  deep-rooted  foreign 
habits,  which,  in  spite  of  the  uncongenial  soil  to 
which  they  have  been  transplanted,  still  maintain 
a  sort  of  withered  existence.  It  now,  however,  be 
comes  a  serious  inquiry,  whether  this  practice,  hith 
erto  seemingly  unimportant,  may  not  be  attended 
with  danger  to  the  institutions  of  the  country.  For 
Popery,  it  appears,  is  already  taking  advantage  of 
this,  as  of  all  other  weaknesses  in  our  habits  and 
customs,  to  introduce  its  anti-democratic  system, 
and  this  too  while  it  manifests  in  words  great  zeal 
in  defence  of  democratic  liberty.  Let  the  democ 
racy  look  well  to  this. 

Is  it  asked,  to  what  extent  should  titles  or  name* 
of  distinction  be  abolished  throughout  the  land, 
the  answer  is  plain.  Every  title  that  merely  desig 
nates  an  office,  is  perfectly  in  accordance  with  our 
institutions,  such  as  President,  Secretary,  Senator, 
General,  Commodore,  &c.  So  are  letters  after  a 
name  which  designate  the  office  or  membership  in 
a  society,  but  titles  of  reverence,  titles  which  imply 
moral  qualities,  such  as  Your  Excellency,  Your 
Honor,  The  Reverend,  Rt.  Reverend,  Honorable, 
&c.  ;  and  letters  which  imply  moral  or  intellectual 


APPENDIX.  153 

superiority,  I  think  it  must  be  conceded  are  now 
not  only  useless  but  dangerous.  There  needs  no 
law  to  abolish  these  gewgaw  appendages  to  a  name  ; 
they  must  be  left  to  the  good  sense  of  the  individual 
who  uses  them,  to  discontinue  them  ;  and  fortu 
nately  they  generally  belong  to  intellectual  men, 
who  have  minds  capable  of  discerning  the  remote 
evils  to  which  the  practice  leads,  and  patriotism 
enough  to  make  a  greater  sacrifice  than  this  occa 
sion  calls  for  to  avert  dangers  which  threaten  their 
country. 

Will  it  be  said  that  this  is  a  little  matter.  No 
thing  is  of  little  consequence  that  may  endanger, 
however  remotely,  the  civil  liberty  of  the  country. 
Nay  more,  no  practice  is  unworthy  of  reform,  which 
continued  may  aid  by  its  example  in  the  surrender 
of  Religious  liberty  into  the  hands  of  Popery. 


NOTE    I.  —  PAGE    76. 
Compulsory  Baptism. 

Perhaps  Father  Baraga  was  thinking  of  the  fa 
cilities  afforded  in  Spain  in  the  time  ofXimenes 
for  administering  baptism,  when  "  Fifty  thousand 
(50,000,)  Moors  under  terror  of  death  and  torture 
received  the  grace  of  baptism,  and  more  than  an 
equal  number  of  the  refractory  were  condemned, 
of  whom  2,536  were  burnt  alive."  May  our  go 
vernment  long  be  "  too  free"  for  the  enacting  of 
such  barbarity. 


154  APPENDIX. 

NOTE   J.  AND  K.  —  PAGE  84. 

Priests  control  the  Mob. 

If  farther  proof  were  wanting  of  the  fact  of  the 
supreme  influence  of  the  Catholic  priests  over  the 
mob,  it  is  opportunely  furnished  in  the  testimony 
on  the  trial  of  the  rioters  at  Charlestown,  (Mass.) 
Mr.  Edward  Cutter  testified  that  the  Lady  Superior, 
in  an  interview  previous  to  the  burning  of  the  con 
vent,  thus  threatened  him ;  she  said  "  the  bishop 
had  20,000  of  the  vilest  (or  boldest)  Irishmen  under 
his  control,  who  would  tear  down  the  houses  of  Mr. 
Cutter  and  others ;  and  that  the  selectmen  of 
Charlestown  might  read  the  riot  act  till  they  were 
hoarse,  and  it  would  be  of  no  use." 

But  if  any  doubt  is  thrown  over  Mr.  Cutter's 
testimony  because  he  is  a  Protestant,  hear  what  the 
Lady  Superior  herself  testifies  ;  "  I  told  him,"  she 
says,  that  "the  Right  Reverend  Bishop's  influence 
over  ten  thousand  brave  Irishmen  might  lead  to 
the  destruction  of  his  property,  and  that  of  others." 

Here  we  have  the  startling  fact,  acknowledged 
in  a  court  of  justice  by  the  Superior  of  the  convent, 
that  the  Bishop  has  such  influence  over  a  mob  of 
foreigners,  that  he  can  use  them  for  vengeance  or 
restrain  them  at  pleasure.  The  question  that  oc 
curs  is,  How  much  stronger  is  it  necessary  for  this 
foreign  corps  to  become,  before  it  may  prudently 
act  offensively  against  our  noxious  Protestant  in 
stitutions?  The  fact  is  established  by  Catholic 
testimony,  that  the  Popish  population  is  not  an  un- 


APPENDIX.  155 

organized  mob,  but  is  moved  by  priestly  leaders, 
Jesuit  foreigners  in  the  pay  of  Austria.  They  are 
ready  to  keep  quiet  or  to  strike  as  circumstances 
may  render  expedient.  But  exclusive  of  other 
proof,  another  most  important  fact  is  rendered  cer- 
tam  by  this  singular  confession  of  the  Lady  Supe 
rior,  and  that  is  Roman  Catholic  interference  in  our 
elections.  Jesuits  are  not  in  the  habit  of  slighting 
their  advantages,  and  the  Bishop  who  can  control 
ten  or  twenty  thousand,  or  five  hundred  thousand 
men,  as  the  case  may  be,  for  the  purpose  of  destruc 
tion  and  riot,  can  certainly  control  the  votes  of  these 
obedient  instruments!  Will  not  American  free 
men  wake  to  the  apprehension  of  a  truth  like 
this? 


NOTE  L.  —  PAGE    87. 
Political    interference  of  Popery. 

The  kind  of  interference  in  the  political  affairs, 
of  other  countries  by  the  Sovereign  of  Rome,  may 
be  learned  from  the  following  extracts  from  the 
Pope's  Proclamation  against  Don  Pedro  in  which 
he  thus  speaks  of  Portugal. — He  laments  the  defec 
tion  of"  That  kingdom,  cited,  until  now,  as  a  mod 
el  of  devotion  and  of  fidelity  to  the  Catholic  faith, 
to  the  Holy  See,  and  to  the  Roman  pontiffs,  our  pre 
decessors  ;  a  kingdom  which,  as  is  meet,  has  already 
felt  it  an  honor  to  obey  its  Sovereigns,  distinguished 
by  the  title  of  Most  faithful  Kings.  We  confess  that 


156  APPENDIX. 

we  could  not  at  first  believe  what  report  and  public 
rumor  related  upon  enterprises  so  audacious,  but  the 
unexpected  return  to  Italy  of  him  who  represented 
us  in  the  said  kingdom  as  Apostolic  Nuncio,  and 
the  most  positive  testimony  of  many  persons,  soon 
convinced  us  that  what  had  been  previously  an 
nounced  to  us  was  but  too  true. 

"  It  is  then  as  certain  as  it  is  greatly  to  be  de 
plored,  that  the  above-mentioned  Government  has 
unjustly  driven  away  him  who  represented  our  per 
son  and  the  Holy  See,  commanding  him  to  quit  the 
kingdom  without  delay.  But  after  so  gross  an  in 
sult  offered  to  the  Holy  See,  and  to  us,  the  audaci 
ty  of  these  perverse  men  has  been  carried  still  fur 
ther  against  the  Catholic  Church,  against  ecclesi 
astical  property,  against  the  inviolable  rights  of  the 
Holy  See.  Considering  that  all  these  measures 
have  been  exercised,  almost  at  the  accession  of  a 
new  Power,  and  in  consequence  of  a  conspiracy 
prepared  beforehand,  our  mind  is  filled  with  hor 
ror,  and  we  cannot  refrain  from  tears.  All  the 
public  prisons  have  been  opened,  and,  after  having 
let  those  who  were  detained  there  go  forth,  they 
have  thrown  into  them,  in  their  place,  some  of  those 
of  whom  it  is  written,  Touch  not  my  Anointed. 
Laymen  have  rashly  arrogated  to  themselves  a  pow 
er  over  sacred  things;  they  have  proclaimed  a  ge 
neral  reform  of  the  secular  clergy,  and  of  religious 
orders  of  both  sexes." 

After  enumerating  various  acts  of  rigor  of  the 
new  government  against  those  priests,  monks  and 


APPENDIX.  157 

other  ecclesiastics,  who  had  taken  an  active 
part  in  the  civil  war,  the  Pope  continues  : — "  For 
this  reason,  venerable  brethren,  we  expressly  pro 
claim  that  we  absolutely  reprobate  all  the  decrees  is 
sued  by  the  aforesaid  government  of  Lisbon,  to  the 
great  detriment  of  the  Church,  of  its  holy  minis 
ters,  of  the  ecclesiastical  law,  and  Holy  See  prero 
gatives  ;  we,  therefore,  declare  them  to  be  null  and 
of  no  effect,  and  express  our  most  serious  complaints 
against  the  audacious  measures  we  have  referred 
to;  we  declare  that  in  exercising  the  duties  of  our 
office,  and  with  God's  help,  we  will  oppose  ourselves 
as  a  wall  for  the  House  of  Israel,  and  show  our 
selves  in  the  combat  at  the  day  of  the  Lord,  as  the 
interests  of  religion  and  the  gravity  of  circumstan 
ces  may  require" 

He  hopes  this  low  rumbling  of  the  thunders  of 
the  Vatican  will  prevent  his  "having  recourse  to 
those  spiritual  arms  with  which  God  has  invested 
his  apostolic  ministry,"  namely  anathemas,  curses 
of  excommunication,  &c.  And  these  are  not  the  re 
cords  of  doings  of  the  dark  ages,  but  are  fresh  from 
the  papal  throne,  the  acts  of  1833. 


NOTE  M.— PAGE    88. 

If  any  suppose  that  Popery  meddles  not  with 
civil  matters  in  this  country,  let  them  peruse  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter  from  one  of  their  mis 
sionaries. 

14 


158  APPENDIX. 

"  Mr.  Baraga  to  the  Central  Direction  of  the  Leopold  Founda 
tion,  dated  L'ARBKE  CROCHE,  October  10th,  1832. 

"  *  *  On  the  5th  of  August,  after  partaking 
the  sacrament  of  confirmation,  the  bishop  called 
all  the  chiefs  and  head  men  of  the  mission,  and 
made  known  to  them  some  civil  laws,  which  he 
had  made  for  the  Ottowas.  The  Indians  received1 
these  laws  with  much  pleasure,  and  promised  so 
lemnly  to  obey  them.  The  missionary  and  four 
chief s  are  the  administrators  nf  these  laws. 

"  FREDERICK  BARAGA,  Missionary." 

Here  is  a  specimen  of  the  disposition  of  Popery 
to  meddle  in  civil  matters  in  this  country  where  ifc 
has  the  power  ;  the  Bishop  is  the  propoumder,  and 
the  Missionary  one  of  the  administrators  of  the 
civil  laws. 


NOTE  N.  — PAGE   107. 

The  poor,  the  illiterate,  and  the  working  classes, 
the  most  deeply  interested  in  quelling  riot  and 
disorder. 

I  have  elsewhere  hinted  at  the  danger  to  the 
stability  of  our  institutions  of  the  mob  spirit  which 
has  been  manifested  in  different  parts  of  the 
country.  But  I  fear  that  the  process  of  disorgan 
ization,  the  gradual  change  which  frequent  riot 
necessarily  works  in  the  nature  of  government  has 
not  been  duly  considered  by  those  whom  it  most 
deeply,  most  vitally  concerns ;  I  mean  the  hard 
working,  uneducated  poor.  Let  me  endeavor  to 


APPENDIX.  159 

trace  this  process.  What  is  the  proper  effect  of 
our  democratic  republican  institutions  upon  the 
various  classes  into  which  human  society  must  ever 
be  divided  ?  How  do  they  affect  the  condition  of  the 
rich  and  the  poor,  the  educated  and  the  illiterate  ? 
Equality,  the  only  practicable  equality,  is  their 
result ;  not  that  spurious,  visionary  equality  which 
would  make  a  forced  community  of  property,  but 
that  equality  which  puts  no  artificial  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  any  man's  becoming  the  richest  or  most 
learned  in  the  state  ;  which  allows  every  man  with 
out  other  impediment  than  the  common  obstacles 
of  human  nature  and  the  equal  rights  of  his  neigh 
bor  impose,  to  strive  after  wealth  and  knowledge 
and  happiness.  True  Christian  republicanism,  by 
its  benevolent  and  ennobling  principles,  impels  the 
wealthy  and  the  educated  to  use  their  talents  for 
the  benefit  of  the  whole  community ;  it  prompts  to 
acts  of  public  spirit,  to  self-sacrifice,  and  to  un 
wearied  effort  to  lessen  the  natural  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  poor  and  uneducated  to  competence  and 
intellectual  character,  by  affording  them  both  em 
ployment  and  education.  The  kindness  and  bene 
volence  thus  shown  to  the  poor  beget  in  this  class  of 
our  citizens,  industry  and  mental  effort.  They  feel 
that  they  are  not  like  the  proscribed  of  other  coun 
tries,  they  see  that  the  way  is  equally  open  to  all 
to  rise  to  the  same  rank  of  independence  in  mind 
and  condition,  and  they  consequently  are  without 
the  exciting  causes  of  envy  and  ill-will  and  bitter 
ness  of  feeling  towards  the  wealthy  and  educated, 


160  APPENDIX. 

which  exist  and  produce  these  fruits  in  other  and  ar 
bitrary  governments.  Society  in  its  two  extremes  is 
thus  knit  together  by  a  mutual  confidence,  and  a  mu 
tual  interest,  for  causes  beyond  human  control  are 
ever  varying  the  condition  of  men.  He  that  is  rich 
to-day  may  be  poor  to-morrow ;  and  thus  there  is  a 
constant  interchange,  a  mingling  of  ranks,  which  like 
a  healthful  circulation  in  the  natural  body,  begets 
soundness  and  vigor  through  the  political  body. 
The  vicious,  and  voluntarily  ignorant  being  the 
only  portions  of  society  naturally  and  justly  exclu 
ded  from  the  benefits  of  this  system. 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  condition  of  these  same 
classes  under  an  arbitrary  government.  In  Austria, 
for  example,  the  poor  and  illiterate  are  considered 
as  the  natural  slaves  of  the  wealthy  and  learned. 
These  classes  are  perpetually  separated  by  the  arti 
ficial  barrier  of  hereditary  right ;  the  line  of  sepa 
ration  is  distinctly  drawn,  and  in  all  that  relates  to 
social  intercourse  there  is  an  impassable  gulf. 
There  may  be  condescension  on  the  one  part,  but 
no  elevation  on  the  other.  High  birth,  learning, 
wealth,  and  polished  manners  are  on  the  one  side, 
strengthening  the  hands  of  the  arbitrary  power  that 
sustains  them;  on  the  other,  low  birth,  ignorance, 
poverty,  and  boorishness,  kept  down  by  their  intrin 
sic  weakness,  generation  after  generation  in  irre 
trievable  subjection  ;  the  upper  classes  knowing 
that  their  own  security  is  based  upon  the  perpetuity 
of  ignorance  and  superstition  in  the  lower  classes. 
Now  to  make  the  change  from  republicanism  to 


APPENDIX.  161 

absolutism,  what  means  would  an  arbitrary  power 
iike  Austria  be  most  likely  to  devise?  Would  she 
not  attain  her  object  entirely  by  the  creation  on  the 
one  hand,  in  the  weaUh  and  talent  of  this  country, 
a  necessity  for  employing  physical  force  to  hold  in 
subjection  the  poor  and  illiterate?  And  the  pro 
duction,  on  the  other  hand,  of  a  class  ignorant  and 
unprincipled,  and  turbulent  enough  to  need  the 
very  restraints  the  other  class  might  be  compelled 
to  employ  ?  Are  there  any  indications  of  such  a 
change  in  this  country  ?  We  have  a  daily  increas 
ing  host  of  emigrants,  a  portion  of  the  very  class 
used  to  foreign  servitude  abroad.  How  could  Aus 
trian  emissaries  better  serve  their  imperial  master's 
interests,  than  by  keeping  these  unenlightened  men 
in  the  same  mental  darkness  in  which  they  existed 
in  the  countries  from  which  they  came,  surround 
ing  them  here  with  a  police  of  priests,  and  shutting 
out  from  them  the  light  which  might  break  in  upon 
them  in  this  land  of  light,  nourishing  them  for  riot 
and  turbulence,  at  political  meetings,  and  for  bully 
ing  at  the  polls  those  of  opposite  political  opinions? 
And  what  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  mode  of 
proceedings  upon  that  class,  who  have  acquired  by 
lives  of  honest  industry  and  studious  application, 
wealth,  and  knowledge,  and  political  experience  ? 
Is  not  such  a  course  calculated  to  drive  them  away 
from  any  participation  in  the  politics  of  the  country, 
and  is  not  such  seditious  conduct  intended  to  pro 
duce  this  very  result  ?  Will  not  men  who  have 
any  self-respect,  who  have  any  sense  of  character, 
14* 


162  APPENDIX. 

turn  away  and  ask  with  feelings  of  indignation, 
where    is  that  intelligent,  sober,  orderly  body  of 
native  mechanics  and  artizans,  who  once  composed 
the  wholesome,  substantial  democracy  of  the  coun 
try,  and  on  whose  independence   and  rough  good 
sense  the  country  could  always  rely,  that  well-tried 
body  of  their  own  fellow-citizens,  accustomed  to 
hear   and   read  patiently,  and  decide  discreetly  1 
And  when  they  see  them  associated  with  a  rude  set 
of  priest-governed  foreigners,  strangers  to  the  order 
and  habits  of  our  institutions,  requiting  us  for  their 
hospitable  reception  by  conduct  subversive  of  the 
very  institutions  which  make  them  freemen  ;  when 
they  see  them  become  the  dupes  of  the  machina 
tions  of  a  foreign  despotic  power,  refusing  to  be 
undeceived,  and  madly  rushing  to  their  own  destruc 
tion,  will  they  not  from  motives  of  self  preservation 
be  willing  to  adopt  any  system  of  measures,  how 
ever  arbitrary,  which  will  secure  society  from  vio 
lence  and  anarchy  ?  When  disgust  at  priest-guided 
mobs  shall  have  alienated  the  minds  of  one  class  of 
the  citizens  from  the  other,  we  have  then  one  of 
the  parties  nearly  formed,  which  is  necessary  for 
the  designs  of  despotism  in  accomplishing  the  sub 
version  of  the  republic.     And  the  other  party  is 
still  easier   formed.     The   alienation  of  feeling  in 
the  wealthier  class,  and  their  remarks  of  disgust, 
may  be  easily  tortured  into  contempt  for  the  classes 
below  them,  and  then  the  natural  envy  of  the  poor 
towards  the  rich,  will  always  furnish  occasions  to 
excite  to  violence.     When  hostility  between  these 


APPENDIX.  163 

two  parties  has  reached  a  proper  height,  the  signal 
from  the  arch  jugglers  in  Europe  to  their  assistants 
here,  can  easily  kindle  the   flames  of  civil  strife. 
And  then  comes  the  dextrous  change  of  systems. 
Frequent  outrage  must  be  quelled  by  military  force, 
for  the  public  peace  must  at  all  events  be  preserved, 
and  the  civil  arm  will  have  become  too  weak,  and 
thus  commences   an   armed  police,  itself  but  the 
precursor  of  a  standing  army.     And  which  party 
will  be  the  sufferer?     All  experience  answers  that 
icealth  and  talent  are  more  than  a  match  for  mere 
brute  force,  for  the  plain  reason  that  they  can  both 
purchase  and  direct  it.     The  rich  can  pay  for  their 
protection,  and  soldiers  belong  to  those  who  pay 
them.     The  man  of  talent  is  wanted  to  direct,  and 
he  also  is  retained  by  the  rich.     What  then  be 
comes  of  the  illiterate  and  laboring  poor  ?  Reduced 
after  ineffectual,  ill-concerted  resistance  to  the  same 
state  of  perfect   subjection    that   obtains    in    the 
"  happy  Austrian  empire."     It  is  the  poor  then,  the 
poor  and  ignorant,  not  the   rich  and  learned,  that 
have  every  thing  of  hope  and  liberty  to  lose  from 
the  machinations  of  Austria.     In  a  moral  and  intel 
ligent  Democracy,  the  rich  and  poor  are  friends 
and  equals,  in  a  Popish  despotism  the  poor  are  in 
abject  servitude  to  the  rich.    Let  the  working  men, 
the  laboring  classes,  well  consider  that  their  liberty 
is  in  danger,  and  can  be  preserved  only  by  their 
encouragement  of  education  and  good  order. 


164  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  O.— PACK   117. 

Dangers  from  a  riotous  spirit,  and  the  kind  of 
treatment  due  from  Protestant  Americans  to 
Catholic  Emigrants. 

All  the  topics  which  grow  out  of  this  momen 
tous  subject  of  Popery  as  their  prolific  parent,  are 
of  absorbing  national  interest,  but  no  one  forces  it 
self  upon  our  consideration  more  imperiously  at  this 
moment  than  that  which  heads  this  note.  For, 
unless  I  am  greatly  deceived,  the  waking  up  of  this 
great  nation's  indignation,  the  shaking  off  of  the 
lethargy  which  has  so  long  held  in  unaccountable 
stupor  the  senses  of  the  people,  which  has  shut 
their  eyes  and  stopped  their  ears  to  the  proofs  of 
foreign  conspiracy  which  every  where  surround 
them,  the  mighty  gathering  of  all  real  patriots  to 
the  defence  of  their  liberties,  which  the  sounds  of 
preparation  from  all  quarters  of  the  land  but  too 
strongly  indicate,  may  be  attended  with  effects  dis 
astrous  to  the  cause  of  true  liberty,  may  produce 
through  excess  or  ill-regulated  zeal,  the  evil  which 
it  is  desirous  to  remedy.  For  excess  even  in  fa 
vor  of  right  principles,  doubles  the  amount  of  the 
evil  which  it  attempts  to  cure.  Excess  of  all  kinds, 
whether  in  thought,  word,  or  action,  (oh !  that 
this  could  be  impressed  on  every  American  heart,) 
is  just  so  much  gain  to  the  side  of  Popery.  I  know 
not  how  prevalent  is  error  on  this  point,  but  I  am 
persuaded  that  it  exists  to  an  extent  to  make 


APPENDIX.  165 

an  American  tremble  for  the  permanency  of  our 
democratic  institutions. 

Is  there  not  a  culpable  acquiescence  in  the  do- 
ings  of  a  mob,  if  their  violence  is  directed  against 
some  apparent  or  real  irritating  popular  evil  ?  Is 
not  the  language  of  such  acquiescence  most  dange 
rous  ?  It  amounts  to  this ;  "  Although  we  are 
averse  to  mob  law,  yet  on  the  whole  there  are  cases 
where  the  sin  is  venial,  and  the  character  of  the  nui 
sance  it  would  abate  justifies  its  violence."  Now  once 
concede  in  a  democratic  community,  a  community 
which  makes  its  own  laws  according  to  modes  pre 
scribed  by  itself,  that  an  irresponsible  minority  may 
set  at  defiance  these  laws,  and  then  let  me  ask 
where  is  government?  It  is  prostrated.  It  has  be 
come  anarchy,  and  on  the  ruins  of  social  order  will 
arise  another  form  of  government  more  or  less  ar 
bitrary,  according  to  the  more  or  less  profound  cau 
ses  which  effected  the  destruction  of  the  first.  Of 
all  forms  of  government,  a  truly  democratic  gov. 
ernment,  while  it  is  least  obnoxious  to  the  dis 
turbing  influences  of  mobs,  can  at  the  same  time 
least  of  all  bear  the  shocks  of  their  turbulence. 
No  events,  therefore,  that  have  occurred  in  the 
eventful  history  of  the  country,  have  so  justly  caus 
ed  alarm  for  the  stability  of  the  government,  as  the 
spirit  of  mob  violence  which  has  lately  manifested 
itself  so  frequently  in  our  large  cities.  We  should 
do  well  to  remember  that  we  have  secret  and  art 
ful  enemies  busily  at  work,  who  can  and  will  take 
advantage  of  this  unnatural  state  of  the  public  feel- 


Ifi6  APPENDIX. 

ing,  and  who  will  not  fail  secretly  to  administer 
fuel,  in  modes  in  which  they  are  perfectly  familiar, 
to  a  diseased  excitement  so  favorable  to  their  views. 
We  have  in  the  country  a  powerful  religious-po 
litico  sect,  whose  final  success  depends  on  the  sub 
version  of  these  democratic  institutions,  and  who 
have  therefore  a  vital  interest  in  promoting  mob- 
violence.  The  saying  of  the  German  ambassador 
concerning  the  Papists,  (quoted  in  the  prefatory 
remarks,)  is  full  of  meaning,  and  should  be  con 
stantly  borne*  in  mind  ;  it  lets  us  into  the  secret  of 
much  of  their  manceuvering  in  this  country  ;  "  they 
will  be  hammer  or  nails,  they  will  persecute  or  be 
persecuted."  Where  they  are  in  power  they  always 
persecute ;  when  not  in  power  and  consequently  un 
able  to  persecute,  they  will  be  sure  to  conduct, 
either  in  so  outrageous  or  mysterious,  or  deceptive 
a  manner,  as  to  rouse  public  indignation.  They 
will  contrive  ingenious  modes  of  irritation  that  shall 
draw  upon  them  popular  vengeance,  and  then  all 
meekness  and  innocence,  and  resignation,  raise  the 
imploring  cry  of  persecution.  And  how  do  they 
gain  by  these  opposite  modes  ?  If  they  are  strong 
enough  to  persecute,  they  will  destroy  their  oppo 
nents,  in  obedience  to  the  openly  avowed  principles 
of  their  sect,  by  exile,  by  dungeons,  and  by  death. 
If  they  themselves  are  persecuted  in  a  Protestant 
community,  (Protestant  principles  being  in  known 
direct  opposition  to  persecution,)  it  is  always  by 
an  irreligious  mob}  acting  in  dejiance  of  Protestant 
principle,  and  unsustained  by  public  opinion,  and 


APPENDIX. 


the  reaction  of  Protestant  sympathy  for  the  sufferers 
on  any  such  occasion,  more  than  makes  amends  by 
its  gifts  for  the  injury  sustained.  Thus  the  very 
virtues  of  Protestants  growing  out  of  principles  di 
rectly  antagonist  to  Popish  principles,  are  made  to 
work  against  Protestantism,  and  in  favor  of  Popery. 
Do  not  Jesuits  know  the  well  known  truth,  that  a 
sect  is  helped  by  a  little  persecution?  Do  they  not 
now  act  upon  a  knowledge  of  it  ?  And  should  not 
Americans  replenish  their  memory  with  it  also, 
that  they  may  most  rigidly  abstain  from  disorder, 
and  discountenance  every  disposition  to  riot  or  vi 
olence?  Let  them  remember  that  the  laws  that 
govern  them  are  their  own  laws,  and  they  must  not 
allow  them  to  be  broken.  Let  them  suspect  a  Pop 
ish  plot  to  rob  them  of  their  liberties  in  every  dis 
orderly  assemblage,  and  by  good  order,  by  firmness 
of  resistance  to  every  temptation  to  riot,  defeat  the 
designs  of  these  worst  enemies  of  Democracy. 

In  close  connection  with  this  topic,  is  that  of 
the  kind  of  treatment  which  Protestant  Americans 
should  show  to  Catholic  emigrants.  On  this  sub 
ject  a  volume  could  be  written.  I  have  space  but 
for  a  few  remarks. 

The  condition  of  the  Catholic  emigrants  that 
are  daily  pouring  into  the  country  from  Germany 
and  Ireland  should  awaken  the  strongest  sympathies 
of  Americans  ;  and  in  whatever  aspect  viewed, 
should  enlist  all  their  feelings  of  benevolence.  Re 
flect  a  moment  who  and  what  they  are.  We  have 
read,  and  our  own  countrymen  who  have  travelled 


168  APPENDIX. 

and  seen  them  in  their  native  land,  bear  testimony 
to  the  effects  upon  the  people  of  the  grinding  op 
pressions  of  Papal  government ;  to  the  mental  deg 
radation,  to  the  poverty,  to  the  wretchedness  of  the 
vassals  of  despotism.  And  as  if  to  prove  to  us 
what  we  might  doubt  on  the  authority  of  others,  so 
sombre  is  their  picture  of  human  misery,  the  very 
subjects  of  foreign  oppression  are  brought  and 
placed  before  our  eyes.  See  yonder  ship  slowly 
furling  her  sails.  She  approaches  the  city.  She 
casts  her  anchor.  Who  are  those  that  crowd  her 
decks  ?  With  eager  eyes  they  gaze  in  one  direc 
tion.  They  see  at  length  the  far-famed  land  of 
liberty.  Yes  ;  its  name  has  been  wafted  even  to 
their  ears,  and  with  the  longings  of  captives  for 
freedom  they  have  broken  away  from  slavery  and 
sought  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed.  They  land 
upon  our  shores.  Look,  Americans,  see  before 
you  the  fruits  of  papal  education  I  of  papal  care  of 
the  bodies  and  minds  of  its  children.  Filthy  and 
ragged  in  body,  ignorant  in  mind,  and  but  too  often 
most  debased  in  morals,  they  fill  your  streets  with 
squalid  beggary,  and  your  highways  with  crime  ; 
they  are  such  a  loathsome  picture  of  degradation, 
moral  and  physical,  that  you  turn  away  in.  disgust 
from  the  sight.  But  why  should  this  be  ?  They 
are  human  beings,  although  oppression  has  blotted 
out  their  reason  and  conscience  and  thought. 
They  are  the  progeny  of  Popery  ;  they  are  the  vic 
tims  of  its  iron  despotism.  It  is  Popery  that  has 
reared  them  up  in  its  own  caverns  of  superstition. 


APPENDIX.  169 

They  exhibit  before  you  the  blighting  effects  of  this 
scourge  of  the  earth.  It  is  Popery  that  has  filled 
their  minds  with  puerile  fables,  closed  their  mental 
eyes  in  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  fleeced  them  of 
their  property  by  systematic  robbery,  kept  them 
from  the  knowledge  of  their  natural  rights  as  men 
to  liberty  of  conscience,  and  of  opinion,  extorted  an 
abject  obedience  to  their  fellow-men,  to  blasphe 
mous  usurpers  of  the  prerogatives  of  Deity.  Their 
ignorance  is  their  lasting,  fatal  curse  ;  their  reason 
and  conscience  stifled  at  their  birth,  they  are  cast 
upon  our  care  mere  human  machines,  for  the  fell 
usurpers  of  God's  power  have  torn  out  of  them 
their  very  minds.  To  think  for  themselves,  that 
inalienable  right  of  a  rational  being,  is  rebellion 
against  their  priest ;  they  read  not,  they  understand 
not  our  charter  of  liberty.  They  love  liberty, 
indeed,  but  what  shape  has  liberty  to  men  without 
minds  ?  What  perception  of  light  has  a  sightless 
eye  ?  Their  liberty,  is  licentiousness,  their  freedom, 
strife  and  debauchery. 

And  now  with  what  emotions  should  Protestants 
look  on  these  suffering,  deluded  men  ?  In  what 
channel  should  their  sympathies  flow  ?  They  have 
already  been  beaten  to  the  dust  by  tyranny.  Is  it 
for  freemen  to  follow  up  the  cruel  blow  of  foreign 
tyrants  ?  They  have  been  brutalized  by  neglect  ; 
shall  they  now  be  hunted  by  proscription?  Shall 
no  Christian  effort  be  made  to  light  up  again  in 
their  darkened  bosoms  the  extinguished  spark  of 
humanity  t  They  are  followed  into  our  habitations  ; 
15 


170  APPENDIX. 

yes,  Americans,  they  are  pursued  into  your  own 
asylum  of  liberty  by  their  foreign  oppressors,  who, 
like  hungry  wolves,  have  ventured  with  unhallowed 
feet  into  the  very  sanctuary  of  freedom  to  grasp 
again  their  scarcely  escaped  prey.  And  have  Amer 
icans  no  compassion  1  Have  they  no  courage  1  Will 
they  not  protect  the  oppressed  ?  Will  they  not  inter 
pose  between  them  and  their  priestly  oppressors,  and 
say  to  the  latter,  "  Stand  off;  this  is  a  land  of  free 
dom  ;  these  men  are  now  American  citizens.  They 
have  a  right  to  American  education  ;  to  republican 
education;  to  Bible  education.  They  have  a  right 
to  the  knowledge  that  they  owe  no  allegiance  to 
priests,  that  here  there  are  no  forbidden  books,  that 
knowledge  here  is  not  meted  out  in  scanty  drops  to 
serve  the  purposes  of  power-grasping  despots,  but 
is  spread  out  before  them  wide  and  deep  as  the 
ocean ;  that  American  laws  protect  them  from  ec 
clesiastical  as  well  as  civil  proscription,  from  eccle 
siastical  as  well  as  civil  extortion,  that  they  owe  no 
obligation  to  pay  an  arbitrary  tax  of  bishop  or 
priest,  that  they  have  a  right  to  know  the  amount, 
and  the  manner  of  disbursement,  of  every  cent  they 
are  called  on  to  contribute  in  church  as  well  as 
atate." 

Will  not  Americans  teach  them  these  truths, 
and  aid  them  to  break  the  chains  with  which  for 
eign  tyrants  have  bound  them  ?  or  will  they  compel 
them,  by  proscription  and  persecution,  or  unfeeling 
neglect,  to  clan  together  around  their  priests,  be 
cause  deserted  by  those  who  should,  and  who  alone 


APPENDIX.  171 

can,  undeceive  and  enlighten  them  ?  In  the  one 
case  there  is  hope  of  incorporating  them  into  the 
American  republican  family  as  useful  fellow-citi 
zens.  In  the  other,  there  is  the  certainty  of  per 
petuating  a  distinct  foreign  and  hostile  interest  in 
the  country,  to  distract  its  councils,  to  sully  the 
peaceful  character  of  its  institutions,  and  finally  to 
aid  in  the  complete  destruction  of  this  stronghold, 
this  last  hope  of  Freedom. 


-f(but  once  put  out  thy  (light,) 


Thou  cunning'st  pattern  of  excelling  nature, 
I  know  not  where  is  the  Promethean  heat 
That  can  thy  light  relume." 


NOTE  P.  — PAGE    121. 

Both  political  Parties  intrigue  for  Catholic  votes. 

Let  neither  political  party  throw  upon  its  antag 
onist  the  exclusive  odium  of  courting  this  foreign, 
priest-  iplined  band.  There  are  some  of  both 
parties  who  must  hide  their  heads  with  shame,  when 
real  Americans,  the  patriots  of  the  country,  disre 
garding  party  name,  shall  turn  their  indignant  eyes 
upon  this  lurking  enemy  of  liberty,  and  shall  appre 
hend  the  reality  of  this  foreign  conspiracy.  Is 
either  political  party  disposed  to  upbraid  the  other 
with  tampering  with  Popery,  or  to  congratulate 
itself  that  it  has  kept  its  own  garments  unspotted 
from  the  crime  of  this  indirect  treason  1  If  either 
thus  flatters  itself,  let  it  be  dumb;  let  guilt  stop  the 


172  APFENDIX. 

utterance  of  both.  Both  are  deplorably,  notoriously 
guilty.  This  is  a  truth  that  cannot  and  will  not  be 
denied.  Both  have  bargained  with  these  organized 
vassals  of  a  foreign  power.  Both  in  their  eager 
recklessness  to  triumph  over  each  other,  have  aided 
foreign  despotism  to  prostrate  at  its  feet  the  liberties 
of  their  country,  the  liberties  of  the  world.  All 
parties,  religious  and  political,  are  suffering,  and 
have  yet  much  more  to  suffer  from  the  evils  al 
ready  produced  by  this  their  blind  folly,  by  their 
culpable  servility  to  priest-governed  foreigners, 
their  cowardly  backwardness  in  not  daring  to  drag 
into  the  light  this  covert  treason,  because,  forsooth, 
it  comes  in  a  sacred  garb,  their  wretchedly  loose 
notions  of  tolerance,  and  charity  and  liberality,  their 
shameful  disregard  of  the  consequences  of  their 
bargainings. — And  is  it  indeed  come  to  this  ?  A 
nation  of  Protestant  freemen,  nurtured  in  Protestant 
principles,  the  only  true  principles  of  liberty,  prin 
ciples  wrested  from  tyranny  by  the  persevering 
valor  of  their  fathers,  the  result  of  the  intellectual, 
aye,  and  physical  combats  of  centuries,  the  fruits 
of  obstinately  contested  struggles  with  despotism, 
and  superstition,  and  bigotry,  struggles  of  ages 
against  the  united  intrigues  of  kingcraft  and  priest 
craft  ;  Americans,  thus  emancipated,  having  enjoy 
ed  the  peaceful  fruits  of  these  blood-earned  truths 
for  two  centuries,  at  length  grow  careless  of  their 
treasure  ;  they  sport  with  their  liberty  as  if  it  were 
nothing  worth  ;  they  grow  weary  of  guarding  their 
happiness,  they  sleep  on  their  posts,  they  settle 


APPENDIX.  173 

down  into  quiet  security.  They  have  ships,  and 
forts,  and  arms,  and  brave  hearts  to  defend  their 
shores,  and  so  there  is  no  danger,  all  is  peace,  for 
the  battle  has  long  since  been  won,  they  can  now 
safely  doff  their  armor,  there  is  no  further  need  of 
the  watchings  of  the  camp.  Our  enemies,  they 
say,  have  in  truth  become  our  friends ;  Kings  are 
now  Republican,  and  the  Pope,  yes  the  Pope,  (his 
bulls  and  proclamations  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing,)  we  hope  and  believe  has  turned  a  Pro 
testant  Republican,  at  least  in  this  country. — Let 
us  be  generous,  say  these  descendants  of  ever  jeal 
ous  sires,  let  us  invite  our  former  foes  to  partake  of 
our  hospitality.  How  noble  the  sentiment !  How 
will  the  world  applaud !  let  us  show  an  example 
of  liberality  unparalleled.  The  invitation  is  ac 
cepted,  and  they  flock  in  countless  thousands  to 
our  shores  ;  a  motley  band,  the  oppressor  and  the 
oppressed  together,  and  their  relations  to  each  other 
too  unchanged.  They  have  needed  no  Trojan  Horse 
to  hide  them  from  our  too  credulous  eyes,  we  lead 
them  openly  into  the  midst  of  us. — They  parade 
our  streets  with  foreign  banners,  already  they  flaunt 
them  in  our  faces  in  derision.  They  even  threaten 
us  with  their  vengeance,  and  we  cower  beneath 
their  frown.  Yes,  we  plead  with  them  to  spare  us, 
we  thank  them  for  restraining  their  rod,  we  humbly 
confess  the  sins  of  our  ancestors,  we  tell  them  our 
fathers  were  bigotted  and  fanatical,  they  were  too 
prejudiced  against  these  our  regal  and  papal 
friends. 

15* 


174  APPENDIX. 

We  their  children,  grown  more  liberal,  will  show 
our  freedom  from  narrow  prejudices  ;  we  will  make 
amends  for  past  offences  ;  our  papal  friends  shall  be 
received  with  open  arms ;  we  will  even  urge  them 
to  be  the  umpires  in  our  family  quarrels;  we  will  be 
seech  them  to  educate  our  children  in  their  foreign 
principles  of  passive  obedience;  we  will  build  for 
them  their  fortresses  on  our  own  soil,  to  attack  our 
own  strong  holds,  and  then  we  will  trust  to  their 
mercy  ;  we  shall  then  have  delivered  up  to  them  all 
the  keys  of  our  house,  and  what  will  remain  for  us 
but  to  bow  our  necks  beneath  the  foot  of  the  Pope, 
and  asking  absolution  for  our  own  sins,  and  our 
father's  sins  of  long  rebellion  against  his  rightful 
sovereignty,  humbly  beg  a  legal  charter  for  our  coun 
try,  and  a  consecrated  king  for  our  throne  ? 


NOTE    R.— PAGE  122. 

Popish  experiment  on  the  Military  of  the  country. 

The  experiments  of  Popery  in  various  parts  of 
the  country  on  the  ignorance  or  credulity,  or 
apathy  of  the  people,  are  every  day,  I  might  say 
every  hour,  more  manifest,  and  they  are  prosecuted 
with  a  boldness,  with  an  audacious  defiance  of 
American  habits,  and  the  feelings  of  American  Re 
publicanism,  truly  astonishing.  Yet  upon  reflection, 
is  it' so  astonishing  that  a  tyranny  of  such  inex 
haustible  resources  of  cunning  and  artifice,  back- 


APPENDIX.  175 

ed  by  the  treasures,  and  the  open  encouragement 
of  the  arbitrary  governments  of  Europe,  should  be 
more  than  ordinarily  bold  ?  For  if  success  attends 
the  advance  of  these  arch  intriguers  against  our 
Protestant  habits  and  institutions,  high  honors  and 
pecuniary  rewards  await  them  at  home:  if  detec 
tion  at  any  time  overtakes  them  from  the  sudden 
waking  of  their  victim,  and  his  restive  efforts  to 
break  off  the  bands  that  they  would  spider-like 
softly  bind  upon  him,  they  have  a  retreat  from 
punishment  in  their  own  country.  A  new  expe 
riment,  another  step  forward  in  the  march  against 
our  freedom,  and  to  all  appearances  at  present,  a 
successful  one  has  been  tried  at  the  West,  at  St. 
Louis,  in  the  consecration  of  the  Popish  cathedral. 
The  account  is  from  a  Popish  Journal,  called  the 
Catholic  Telegraph.  They  shall  have  the  benefit 
of  their  own  recital. 

"  The  Cathedral  of  St.  Louis  is  134  feet  long 
by  84  wide.  There  are  8  rows  of  pews,  25  in 
each  row,  calculated  to  contain  at  least  8000  per 
sons.  There  are  two  magnificent  colonnades  at 
opposite  sides  in  the  body  of  the  church,  consisting 
of  five  massive  pillars,  of  brick,  elegantly  marbled, 
and  each  four  feet  in  diameter. 

'  The  altar  is  of  stone.  It  is  only  temporary, 
arid  will  soon  be  superseded  by  a  superb  marble  al 
tar,  which  is  hourly  expected  from  Italy. 

'  The  church  it  is  said  has  already  cost  $42,- 
000.  It  is  presumed  that  about  $  18,000  more  will 
be  required  to  finish  it,  according  to  the  origi- 


176  APPENDIX. 

nal  and  magnificent  design  of  its  founders  ;  so  that 
the  entire  cost  of  the  building  and  its  furniture  can 
not  be  less  than  $60,000. 

"  The  consecration  took  place  on  the  Sabbath 
Oct.  26,  1834. 

"  At  an  early  hour,  7,  A.  M.  on  the  day  of  con 
secration,  four  Bishops,  twenty-eight  Priests,  twelve 
of  whom  were  from  TWELVE  different  nations — and 
a  considerable  number  of  young  aspirants  to  the 
holy  ministry,  making  the  entire  ecclesiastical  corps 
amount  to  fifty  or  sixty,  were  habited  in  their  ap 
propriate  dresses.  As  soon  as  the  procession 
was  organized,  the  pealing  of  three  large  and 
clear-sounding  bells,  the  thunder  of  two  pieces  of 
artillery  raised  all  hearts,  as  well  as  our  own 
to  the  Great  Almighty  Being. 

"  When  the  HOLY  RELICS  were  moved  towards 
their  new  habitation,  where  they  shall  enjoy  an 
anticipated  resurrection — the  presence  of  their 
God  in  His  holy  tabernacle,  the  guns  jired  a 
second  salute.  We  felt  as  if  the  SOUL  OP  ST. 
Louis,  Christian,  Lawgiver  and  HERO,  was  in 
the  sound,  and  that  he  again  led  on  his  victori 
ous  armies  in  the  service  of  the  God  of  Hosts,  for 
the  defence  of  his  religion,  his  sepulchre,  and  his 
people. 

"  When  the  solemn  moment  of  the  consecration 
approached,  and  the  Son  of  the  living  God  was 
going  to  descend  for  thejirst  time,  into  thenew  re 
sidence  of  his  glory  on  earth,  the  drums  beat  the 
revitte,  three  of  the  star-spangled  banners  were  low- 


APPENDIX.  177 

ered  over  the  balustrade  of  the  sanctuary,  the  ar 
tillery  gave  a  deafening  discharge. 

"  The  dedication  sermon  was  preached  by  the 
Bishop  of  Cincinnati.  During  the  Divine  Sacri 
fice,  two  of  the  military  stood  with  drawn  swords, 
one  at  each  side  of  the  altar ;  they  belonged  to  a 
guard  of  honor  formed  expressly  for  the  occasion. 
Besides  whom,  there  were  detachments  from  the 
four  militia  companies  of  the  city,  the  Marions,  the 
Grays,  the  Riflemen,  and  the  Cannoneers  from 
Jefferson  Barracks,  stationed  at  convenient  distan 
ces  around  the  church. 

"  Well  and  eloquently  did  the  Rev.  Mr.  Abell, 
pastor  of  Louisville,  observe  in  the  evening  dis 
course,  alluding  to  his  own  and  the  impressions  of 
the  clergy  and  laity,  who  were  witnesses  to  the 
scene  ;  '  Fellow-Christians  and  Fellow-citizens  ! 
I  have  seen  the  flag  of  my  country  proudly  floating 
at  the  mast-head  of  our  richly  freighted  merchant 
men  ;  I  have  seen  it  fluttering  in  the  breeze  at  the 
head  of  our  armies,  but  never,  never  did  my  heart 
exult,  as  when  I  this  day  behold  it,  for  thejirst  time, 
bow  before  its  God  !  Breathing  from  infancy  the 
air  which  our  artillery  had  purified  from  the  infec 
tious  spirit  of  bigotry  and  persecution,  it  would  be 
the  pride  of  my  soul,  to  take  the  brave  men  by  the 
hand,  by  whom  these  cannons  were  served.  But 
for  these  cannons,  there  would  be  no  home  for  the 
free,  no  asylum  for  the  persecuted." 

What  are  the  reflections  of  an  American  on  an 
occurrence  like  this  ?  What  must  they  be  to  one 


178  APPENDIX. 

who  has  ever  felt  his  pride  of  country  stir  within 
him,  when  in  foreign  lands  he  has  beheld  the  de 
graded  slaves  of  despotism  bow  in  like  manner 
before  the  altars  and  idols  of  heathenish  supersti 
tion,  awed  into  seeming  reverence  by  the  military 
array  which  always  accompanies  the  imposing  cer 
emonial  of  the  Popish  church  ?  But  the  military 
were  only  a  guard  of  honor  !  Yes  ;  this  is  the  soft 
name  given  to  this  despotic  chain,  the  musical 
sound  to  charm  us  away  from  scrutinizing  it,  and  it 
will  be  sufficient,  doubtless,  to  drown  its  harsher 
clanking  in  our  torpid  ears.  The  guard  of  honor, 
that  universal  appendage  of  kings  and  sacred  des 
pots,  is  a  serviceable  band.  It  not  only  helps  to 
swell  a  procession  by  its  numbers,  but  with  the  glit 
ter  of  its  arms,  and  accoutrements,  and  gay  banners, 
H  adds  splendor  to  the  pageant  of  a  heathen  ritual. 
But,  reader,  it  has  an  essential  duty  to  perform. 
Its  duty  is  to  enforce  the  ceremonies  of  worship  upon 
all  present.  Do  you  doubt  this  duty  of  the  guard 
of  hnnor?  The  writer  will  give  his  own  experience 
of  the  duties  of  the  guard  of  honor.  I  was  a  stran 
ger  in  Rome,  and  recovering  from  the  debility  of  a 
slight  fever,  I  was  walking  for  air  and  gentle  exer 
cise  in  the  Corso,  on  the  day  of  the  celebration  of  the 
Corpus  Domini.  From  the  houses  on  each  side 
of  the  street  were  hung  rich  tapeslries  and  gold 
embroidered  damasks,  and  towards  me  slowly  ad 
vanced  a  long  procession,  decked  out  with  all  the 
heathenish  paraphernalia  of  this  self-styled  church. 
In  a  part  of  the  procession  a  lofty  baldichino,  or 


APPENDIX.  179 

canopy,  borne  by  men,  was  held  above  the  idol,  the 
host,  before  which,  as  it  passed,  all  heads  were  un 
covered,  and  every  knee  bent  but  mine.  Ignorant 
of  the  customs  of  heathenism,  I  turned  my  back 
upon  the  procession,  and  close  to  the  side  of  the 
houses  in  the  crowd,  (as  I  supposed  unobserved,) 
I  was  noting  in  my  tablets  the  order  of  the  assem 
blage.  I  was  suddenly  aroused  from  my  occupa 
tion,  and  staggered  by  a  blow  upon  the  head  from 
the  gun  and  bayonet  of  a  soldier,  which  struck  off 
my  hat  far  into  the  crowd.  Upon  recovering  from 
the  shock,  the  soldier,  with  the  expression  of  a  de 
mon,  and  his  mouth  pouring  forth  a  torrent  of  Ital 
ian  oaths,  in  which  il  diavolo  had  a  prominent  place, 
stood  with  his  bayonet  against  my  breast.  I  could 
make  no  resistance,  I  could  only  ask  him  why  he 
struck  me,  and  receive  in  answer  his  fresh  volley 
of  unintelligible  imprecations,  which  having  deliv 
ered,  he  resumed  his  place  in  the  guard  of  honor, 
by  the  side  of  the  officiating  cardinal. 

Americans  will  not  fail  to  observe  in  the  pre 
cious  extract  of  the  discourse  in  which  the  priest 
gives  vent  to  his  feelings  of  exultation  upon  seeing 
our  national  flag,  the  star-spangled  banner,  hum 
bled  in  the  dust  before  the  Pope,  that  with  the  cun 
ning  of  his  craft  he  flatters  the  soldiery,  and  in  a 
sermon  professedly  to  the  God  of  Peace,  and  in  de 
dicating  a  temple  to  his  name,  he  is  inspired  with 
no  loftier  feelings  of  soul  than  this,  "  it  would  be 
the  pride  of  my  soul,  to  take  the  brave  men  by  the 
hand,  by  whom  these  cannons  were  served,"  Why  ? 


180  APPENDIX. 

Is  it  such  a  brave  act  to  touch  off  a  cannon  ?  Or 
was  the  imagination  of  the  priest  revelling  in  the 
dream  of  seeing  the  military  power  of  the  country, 
at  a  future  day,  at  the  beck  and  service  of  the  Pope, 
and  his  Austrian  master  ? 


THE    MASK    THROWN    ASIDE. 

A  charge  of  hostility  to  American  institutions, 
against  any  sect  or  class  in  the  community,  is  a 
very  serious  one,  and  only  requires  evidence  to 
support  it,  to  draw  upon  all  its  doings  the  watchful 
eye  of  American  freemen.  Is  it  asked,  what  evi 
dence  should  you  think  sufficiently  strong  to  sub 
stantiate  the  charge  ?  I  answer,  the  general  prin 
ciples  of  the  sect  would  be  sufficient,  but  its  own 
declarations  of  hostility  would  certainly  substantiate 
the  charge.  If  a  Presbyterian  journal,  in  comment 
ing  on  the  trial  of  the  rioters  at  Charlestown,  should 
make  remarks  like  the  following,  the  evidence 
would  doubtless  be  considered  complete  : 

"A  system  of  government  which  admits  a  feeling  of  alarm  in 
the  execution  of  the  laws  from  the  vengeance  of  the  mob, 
which  Mr  Austin"  (the  prosecuting  attorney,)  "  distinctly  al 
lows  to  be  the  case — a  vengeance  exhibited  by  letters  to  the 
public  officers  and  threats  to  the  public  authorities— may  be 
very  fine  in  theory,  very  Jit  for  imitation  on  the  part  of  those 
who  seek  the  power  of  the  mob  in  contradistinction  to  justice 
and  the  public  interest,  but  it  is  not  of  a  nature  to  invite  the 
reflecting  part  of  the  world,  and  shows  at  least  that  it  has 
evils.  A  public  officer  in  England,  who  would  publicly  avow 
such  a  fear  of  executing  his  duty  and  carrying  into  effect  the 
law  of  the  re^lm,  ought  and  would  be  thrust  out  of  office  by 


APPENDIX.  181 

public  opinion.  Tins  one  fact  is  condemnation  OF  THE  SYSTEM 
OF  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS,  confirmed  lately  by  numerous  other 
proofs.'' 

Now,  could  hostility  to  our  institutions  be  more 
strongly  expressed  1  and  were  Presbyterians  or  any 
other  Protestant  sect,  thus  boldly  to  avow  its  political 
antipathies,  every  political  journal  would  seize  upon 
this  evidence  of  treason,  and  trumpet  it  through  the 
whole  country.     Why  then  are  they  now  silent  ? 
This  treason  is  actually  uttered,  nor  is  it  less  humi 
liating,  or  less  dangerous  that  it  is  flung  in  our 
faces  by  a  set  of  foreigners  in  the  employment  and 
pay  of  a  foreign  government,  instead  of  native  citi 
zens.     The  very  words  I  have  quoted  are  from  the 
Catholic  Telegraph,  a  Roman   Catholic  journal, 
edited  and  published  at  Cincinnati.  Let  it  be  borne 
in  mind  too,  that  a  Catholic  journal  is  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Bishops,  who  exercise  a  rigid 
censorship  over  it,  that  it  speaks  the  authorized 
sentiments  of  the  sect,  and  we  shall  then  perceive 
something  of  the  importance  to  be  attached  to  these 
anti-republican  declarations.     They   are  indeed  a 
precious,  an  invaluable  testimonial  to  the  People, 
of  the  duplicity  of  their  professed  friends.     Every 
where  in  the  land  hitherto,  Papists  have  been  loud 
est  in  professions  of  attachment  to  American  repub 
lican  institutions.     They  have  now  thrown  off  the 
mask.     They  unblushingly  declare,  that  "  our  sys 
tem  of  government,  though  veryfnein  theory,  is  not 
of  a  nature  to  invite  the  reflecting  part  of  the  world" 
in  short,  that  it  is  an  experiment  that  has  failed  : 
16 


182  APPENDIX. 

that  "  American  institutions  stand  condemned  by 
a  single  fact  in  the  trial  in  Boston,  and  by  nume 
rous  other  proof  s"  And  what  has  brought  out  this 
precious  confession ;  what  has  occurred  to  make 
it  a  fit  time  to  lay  aside  the  disguise  in  which  they 
have  till  now  deceived  the  democracy  of  the  coun 
try  ?  What  has  produced  this  sudden  revolution 
in  their  opinion  of  our  form  of  government  ?  Let 
us  look  into  this  matter. 

A  body  of  native  citizens  is  excited  to  indigna 
tion  by  rumors,  (whether  true  or  false  alters  not  the 
case,)  that  an  act  of  foul  play,  such  as  the  history 
of  those  nuisances,  (convents,)  in  all  countries  have 
abundantly  furnished,  had  occurred  in  the  Charles- 
town  nunnery.  This  mob,instead  of  being  met  with 
efforts  to  appease  it  by  immediate  explanation,  as 
would  have  been  the  case  in  any  Protestant  semi 
nary  in  the  land,  (for  Protestants  have  no  secret 
mysteries  in  their  discipline,)  this  mob,  I  say,  is  kept 
for  days  in  an  excited  state  by  mysterious  manoeu- 
vering,  on  the  part  of  the  Catholics,  and  by  irrita 
ting  threats  from  the  Superior  of  the  Convent,  that, 
20,000  foreigners  under  the  orders  of  the  Bishop 
would  take  vengeance  upon  the  citizens,  if  they 
dared  to  commit  any  injury  upon  the  Convent,  and 
this  threat  was  uttered  in  sight  of  Bunker's  hill. 
Under  this  provocation  the  outrage  was  committed. 
And  is  it  a  matter  of  surprise  ?     I  know  of  no  one 
who  justifies  the  illegal  violence  in  burning  the 
Convent,  but  I  unhesitatingly  say,  that  the  feeling 
of  indignation  which  animated  the  populace,  was  a 


APPENDIX.  183 

just  and  proper  feeling.  It  was  roused  by  the  be 
lief,  that  a  young  and  helpless  female  had  been  ille 
gally  and  cruelly  abducted  from  her  friends,  and 
subjected  to  a  secret  tyrannical  punishment.  The 
feeling,  I  say  under  this  belief,  was  not  only  hono 
rable  to  the  Charlestownians,  but  had  they  viewed 
such  an  outrage  with  indifference,  they  would  have 
shown  themselves  unworthy  of  American  citizens. 
Their  error,  (and  it  cannot  be  defended,  however 
it  may  be  palliated  by  the  gross  insult  which  they 
received,)  consisted  in  suffering  their  just  indigna. 
tion  to  flow  in  an  illegal  channel,  and  instead  of 
rallying  round  the  laws,  and  strengthening  them 
by  a  strong  expression  of  public  opinion  at  a  special 
meeting  of  citizens,  they  leaped  the  bounds  of  law 
and  committed  a  crime  which  the  Papists  are  trying 
every  possible  means  to  cause  to  react  in  their  favor. 
But  allowing  that  no  palliating  circumstances  attend 
ed  the  act  of  the  rioters,  that  no  excuse  could  be 
pleaded  for  them  as  acting  under  the  impulse  of 
the  most  stinging  insult  that  could  be  given  to  any 
people  by  a  foreigner  ;  what  have  these  acts  to  do 
with  our  "  system  of  government,"  or  with  "  Amer 
ican  institutions  ?"  In  England,  forsooth,  they 
manage  things  better.  There  are  never  riots  in 
England  !  London,  Manchester,  Bristol,  I  suppose 
were  never  agitated  by  riots  !  Paris,  Lyons,  Mar 
seilles,  Nismes,  St.  Petersburg,  Brussels,  Frank 
fort,  Rome,  Constantinople,  none  of  these  places 
under  various  systems  of  government,  are  ever  wit 
nesses  to  riots  !  !  But  this  Popish  enemy  to  our 


184  APPENDIX. 

institutions  may  say,  it  is  not  the  riot  but  the  threat 
ening  letters  sent  to  the  prosecuting  attorney  to 
intimidate  him  in  his  duty,  that  tells  against  the 
government.  Indeed,  and  who  wrote  the  letters? 
Is  it  quite  certain  that  they  were  not  the  production 
of  some  Jesuit  to  fan  an  excitement  which  was  so 
likely  to  be  turned  to  the  advantage  of  his  schemes  ? 
Threatening  letters  are  much  in  use  in  a  certain 
Catholic  country  called  Ireland,  under  a  monarchi 
cal  system  of  government.  But  suppose  these  let 
ters  were  not  written  by  Jesuits,  but  were  the  pro 
duction  of  some  wicked,  or  thoughtless  person,  what 
then  ?  Is  our  form  of  government  the  cause  of  the 
writing  of  anonymous  threatening  letters  1  Would 
any  other  form  of  government  prevent  this  evil  of 
so  alarming  magnitude  in  the  eyes  of  the  Catholic 
Telegraph?  Can  it  be  prevented  in  England,  or 
in  any  other  form  of  government  in  the  world  ? 
Yes,  there  is  one  government  which  could  probably 
prevent  it.  It  is  one  in  which  the  Inquisition  is 
established,  and  by  means  of  which,  aided  by  the 
confessional,  all  that  is  considered  necessary  for  the 
good  of  the  church,  could  be  brought  to  light,  or 
rather  to  the  ears  of  those  most  interested  in  know 
ing  all  secrets  that  bear  upon  their  own  power. 
How  soon  we  shall  be  prepared  for  such  a  change 
of  government  to  suit  the  designs  of  these  busy, 
foreign  emissaries,  depends  on  the  continuance  of 
the  character  for  sagacity,  intelligence,  and  virtue 
of  the  American  people. 

Whatever  doubts  some  may  have  hitherto  had 


APPENDIX.  185 

in  regard  to  the  existence  of  a  foreign  conspiracy 
in  the  country,  I  think  the  case  is  now  become  too 
plain  to  need  further  proof.     Indeed  so  bold  are 
these  foreign  emissaries  in  the  utterance  of  their 
anti-republican    dogmas,    so    unblushing  in    their 
attacks  upon  our  institutions,  that  we  are  often  led 
to  exclaim  what  does  this  mean?     Are  these  men 
fools,  or  madmen  1  or  are  they   so   strong  in  their 
support  from  abroad,  that  they  feel  secure  in  beard 
ing  American  freemen  in  their  own  homes  ?     The 
latter  supposition  alone  satisfactorily  explains  their 
conduct.     Austria  is  now  playing  a  desperate  game 
against  liberty,  for  the  safety  of  her  own  throne,  and 
for  that  of  her  allies.     It  is  the  last  hazard,  and  her 
object  is  gained  if  she  can  destroy  the  influence  of 
our  prosperity  upon  the  people  of  Europe,  a  pros 
perity  the  natural  result  of  our  popular  free  institu 
tions  ;   and  this  latter  object  is  effected  if  by  any 
means,  no  matter  how,  riot  and  disorder  can   be 
produced  in  this  country,  to  be  pointed  at  as  the  ef 
fect  of  republican  government.  Americans!  Friends 
of  liberty  ;  Friends  of  order ;  examine  this  subject, 
and  decide  with  your  usual  sagacity  and  discretion. 
You  have  a  busy,  a  crafty,  a  powerful,  a  dangerous 
set  of  foreign  leaders,  controlling  and  commanding 
a  foreign  population,  ignorant  and  infatuated,  inter 
mixed  with  your  own  population,  and  who  at  a  sin 
gle  signal  from  the  Pope  or  from  Metternich,  when 
the  cause  of  despotism  shall  require  the  deed,  can 
spread  disorder  and  riot  through  all  your  borders. 
Shrink  not,  Americans,  from  looking  at  the  truth, 
16* 


186  APPENDIX. 

You  may  boast  of  your  peace  and  prosperity,  you 
hold  them  both  at  this  moment,  at  the  mercy  of 
Austria!  She  has  a  disciplined  band  of  foreigners 
in  the  midst  of  you,  who  in  any  season  of  excite 
ment,  she  can  make  to  fill  your  streets  and  dwel 
lings  with  fear  and  confusion.  She  may  not  think 
it  prudent  or  expedient  just  now  to  exercise  her 
power,  but  she  has  the  power,  through  Popish  priests, 
who  hold  in  check,  at  their  pleasure,  the  elements  of 
discord,  and  whose  favor  you  are  compelled  humbly 
to  conciliate  as  the  price  of  your  tranquillity. 
And  this  power  is  daily  increasing,  not  merely  by 
foreign  immigration,  and  foreign  money,  but,  with 
the  deepest  shame  be  it  spoken,  by  the  assistance, 
direct  and  indirect,  of  Protestant  Republican  Amer 
icans,  who,  with  a  facility  most  marvellous,  fall  into 
every  snare  and  pleasant  baited  trap  that  Popery 
spreads  for  them. 


*#*  As  the  last  sheet  was  printing,  an  article 
of  intelligence  was  received,  bearing  importantly 
on  the  subject  of  this  volume.  Bishop  England, 
the  busy  Jesuit,  whom  I  have  had  occasion  before 
to  notice,  has  just  put  forth  an  address  to  his  Dio 
cese,  at  Charleston,  on  his  return  from  Europe, 
from  which  we  make  the  following  extracts  : 

"  During  my  absence  I  have  not  been  negli 
gent  of  the  concerns  of  this  Diocese.  I  have  endea 
vored  to  interest  in  its  behalf  several  eminent  and 
dignified  personages  whom  I  had  the  good  fortune  to 


APPENDIX.  187 

meet ;  and  have  continued  to  impress  with  a  convic 
tion  of  the  propriety  of  continuing  their  generous 
aid,  the  administration  of  those  societies  from  which 
it  has  previously  received  valuable  succor.  In  Paris 
and  at  Lyons  I  have  conversed  with  those  excellent 
men  who  manage  the  affairs  of  the  Association  for 
propagating  the  Faith.  This  year  their  grant  to 
this  Diocese  has  been  larger  than  usual.  I  have 
also  had  opportunities  of  communication  with  some 
of  the  Council  which  administers  the  Austrian 
Association  ;  they  continue  to  feel  an  interest  in  our 
concerns.  The  Propaganda  in  Rome,  though  great 
ly  embarrassed,  owing  to  the  former  plunder  of  its 
funds  by  rapacious  infidels,  has  this  year  contribu 
ted  to  our  extraordinary  expenditure  ;  as  has  the 
holy  father  himself,  in  the  kindest  manner,  from 
the  scanty  stock  which  constitutes  his  private  allow 
ance  ;  but  which  he  economizes  to  the  utmost  for 
the  purpose  of  being  able  to  devote  the  savings  to 
works  of  piety,  of  charity,  and  of  literature." 

"  The  prelates  of  the  Church  of  Ireland,  are 
ready,  as  far  as  our  hierarchy  shall  require  their 
co-operation,  to  give  to  them  their  best  exertions  in 
selecting  and  forwarding  from  amongst  the  nume 
rous  aspirants  to  the  sacred  ministry  that  are  found 
in  the  island  of  saints,  (Ireland,)  a  sufficient  num 
ber  of  those  properly  qualified  to  supply  our  defi 
ciencies.  I  have  had  very  many  applications,  and 
accepted  a  few,  who,  I  trust,  have  been  judiciously 
selected." 

We  have  here  additional  confirmation,  if  any 


188 


APPENDIX. 


were  wanted,  that  in  countries  where  Church  and 
State  are  closely  united,  and  where  consequently 
every  religious  association,  (totally  unlike  our  reli 
gious  associations,  which  have  no  connection  with 
the  government,)  is  directly  connected  with  politi 
cal  objects,  there  is  a  great  and  special  effort  mak 
ing  to  effect  certain  objects  in  the  United  States. 
We  have  no  less  than  three,  great  societies,  all 
formed  to  operate  on  this  country.  THEY  say  re 
ligiously,  but  let  Americans,  who  know  that  Aus 
tria  makes  no  movement  which  is  not  intended  for 
political  effect,  judge  whether  religious  benevolence 
towards  this  benighted  land,  or  a  deeper  and  more 
earthly  feeling  of  political  self-preservation  prompts 
her  "  continued feeling  of  interest  in  our  concerns" 


YD  'A313>RI3a  9aa  'ON  WyOd 

dO  AllSa3AINn 


